The Nation Mourns
THE nation bows in sorrow and in humiliation—in sorrow because
its chief executive, its official head, is passing through the valley
of the shadow of death—in humiliation because the president of our
republic has fallen a victim to the cruel and cowardly methods employed
in monarchies where helpless and hopeless subjects sometimes meet
arbitrary power with violence.
In morals and in the contemplation
of law all lives are of equal value—all are priceless—but when seventy-five
millions of people select one of their number and invest him with
the authority which attaches to the presidency he becomes their
representative and a blow aimed at him is resented as an attack
upon all.
Beneath the partisanship of the individual
lies the patriotism of the citizen, sometimes dormant, it is true,
but always active in hours of peril or misfortune. While the president’s
life hangs in the balance there are no party lines. The grief of
personal friends and close political associates may be more poignant
but their sympathy is not more sincere than that extended by political
opponents. Although none but his family and physicians are admitted
to his room, all his countrymen are at his bedside in thought and
sentiment and their prayers ascend for his recovery. It was characteristic
of his thoughtfulness that, even amid the excitement following the
assault, he cautioned his companions not to exaggerate his condition
to his invalid wife.
The latest dispatches give gratifying
news of his improvement, but there is still deep solicitude lest
unfavorable symptoms may yet appear.
And the humiliation! Are our public
servants—those who are chosen by the people and who exercise for
a limited time the authority bestowed by the people—are these to
live in constant fear of assassination? Is there to be no difference
between our constitutional government and those despotic governments
which rest, not upon the consent of the governed, but upon brute
force?
There is no place for anarchy in the
United States; there is no room here for those who commit, counsel
or condone murder, no matter what political excuse may be urged
in its defense. The line between peaceful agitation and violence
is clear and distinct. We have freedom of speech and freedom of
the press in this country, and they are essential to the maintenance
of our liberties. If anyone desires to criticise the methods of
government or the conduct of an official, he has a perfect right
to do so, but his appeal must be to the intelligence and patriotism
of his fellow citizens, not to force. Let no one imagine that he
can improve social or political conditions by the shedding of blood.
Free governments may be overthrown,
but they cannot be reformed, by those who violate the commandment,
“Thou shalt not kill.”
Under a government like ours every
wrong can be remedied by law and the laws are in the hands of the
people themselves. Anarchy can be neither excused nor tolerated
here. The man who proposes to right a public wrong by taking the
life of a human being makes himself an outlaw and cannot consistently
appeal to the protection of the government which he repudiates.
He invites a return to a state of barbarism in which each one must,
at his own risk, defend his own rights and avenge his own wrongs.
The punishment administered to the
would-be assassin and to his co-conspirators, if he has any, should
be such as to warn all inclined to anarchy that while this is an
asylum for those who love liberty it is an inhospitable place for
those who raise their hands against all forms of government.
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