| The Treatment of Anarchists T assassination of their President 
              has rudely opened the eyes of Americans to the teaching of the Anarchists, 
              and in this enlightenment the people of Britain may also claim a 
              share. On both sides of the Atlantic there is the same strong belief 
              in freedom of thought and speech, in toleration extended to all 
              isms and doxies,—to all fanatics, whether their hallucinations 
              [349][350] refer to tobacco, to alcohol, 
              to therapeutics, or to experimental medicine; no doubt the toleration 
              is more or less cynical or contemptuous, but no one suggests, or 
              even dreams, that strong measures are to be taken to keep fanatics 
              from their own follies. People are allowed to believe what they 
              like, and very much to say what they like. This kind of toleration 
              is now indigenous in the race. But it seems to us that this practice 
              of toleration can be carried too far, and we are disposed to think 
              that it has been so carried in connection with the Anarchists. A 
              freedom which is questionably wise has hitherto been allowed to 
              their teaching and to their literature. Immoral literature is suppressed, 
              and we hold that any literature which prompts to personal violence 
              ought in the same way to be suppressed, and the authors of it punished. 
              We strongly believe in the deterrent influence of some kinds of 
              punishment; and we do not believe that the death-penalty is such 
              a powerful deterrent as some people think. To die is easy; and there 
              are multitudes of people ready to die for their country, their families, 
              or their principles if necessary. Such a creature as shot the President 
              values his life no more than the Buffalo mob would have valued it; 
              and its probable loss is not a matter of much concern when crime, 
              prompted by ignorant fanaticism, is contemplated and decided on. 
              Civilisation has so refined even the death-penalty that it shudders 
              if death has not been instantaneous; it is not therefore painful 
              to die by the hands of the executioner: we all know, and have seen, 
              many more painful modes of dying than that. We therefore think the 
              death-penalty quite inadequate. We have, on the other hand, a great 
              respect for the influence exerted by the dread of physical suffering; 
              we remember how the cat put down garrotting, and we have 
              recollections of the ruffians who committed those crimes groaning 
              aloud when the sentence was pronounced upon them. We quite agree 
              that the cat was used too freely and for absurdly trivial 
              offences in the past. It has gone out like blood-letting; but like 
              blood-letting it has its own place, and a very useful place. The 
              position we would submit as a reasonable one is that all 
              deeds of unprovoked personal violence should be punished by flogging; 
              that when the culprit is caught in the act there should be but little 
              time lost before the punishment is administered. When unprovoked 
              killing is attempted, or much personal injury done, we are strongly 
              of opinion that punishment should be what is commonly called cruel, 
              and that in the former case the death-penalty should also be exacted. 
              We think it a misfortune that this American murderer could not have 
              been so treated instead of leaving him in confinement to develop 
              a stubborn, sulky silence. It might be in the interest of the State 
              to unseal his lips, and we doubt not [350][351] 
              the cat would open them. As law at present stands a ruffian 
              like this can die defiant. Let it be understood that we are not 
              advocating any return to the barbarous tortures of the past, and 
              that we should confine severe flogging to such crimes as we have 
              indicated. We have been surprised at the tone of hopelessness in 
              the Spectator and some other papers, and are much more in 
              sympathy with the Lancet, and agree that this viperous brood 
              has to be crushed and stamped out as a pestilence is. Freedom of 
              thought and speech are not lightly to be surrendered, but freedom 
              is taken advantage of to advocate deeds which in their very nature 
              interfere with and even tyrannically restrict freedom. We think 
              that the new century promises to open the eyes of people to the 
              perniciousness of some of the sentimentality with which at one time 
              it almost looked as if we were to be overwhelmed. |