The Government We Live Under
THERE is always a peril in isolating a body of people from the
current and movement of social opinion around them. Every small
sect exists with injury to its members through such isolation. It
becomes a focus of whimsical and fantastic ideas, which have no
basis in reality. The same result is seen in small political factions,
gathered around some specialty of reform, whether this be the Single
Tax, or Socialism, or any other idea for which the people at large
“have no use.” Whatever the truth of the theory at stake, there
is in the minds of its advocates a lack of social perspective which
works harm, and may end in making them fanatics.
Anarchism is but an extreme instance
of this. At the outset it is nothing more than a conviction that
the world has outlived and outgrown government, and would gain by
abolishing it as a public and general authority, leaving every man,
who thinks he needs to be governed, free to unite with others of
the same mind, and to set up the kind they want, just as people
do with churches. Sometimes the main conclusion is reached, as in
the case of the Russian and the Italian anarchists, from experience
of oppressive governments, which take much and give little in return.
Sometimes it is reached from theorizing on the subject, starting
from such maxims as “He governs best who governs least.” In either
case the anarchist comes to fix his attention on the real and supposed
wrongs of our governmental systems and methods until he can see
nothing else. And the inference is easy to him that mankind are
groaning under a weight of oppression, which they would be glad
to have lifted from them.
The perspective is thus lost, and
a single group of facts comes to fill up all the foreground of the
mind. It is not seen that for the vast majority of mankind government
does not exist as a restraint, but as an organ of society for public
uses. Very few are they who ever feel the weight of the law’s hand,
or enter a court of justice except as mere spectators. Law commands
the obedience of most men through their whole lives, because they
share in the public opinion which created it. It is “part of themselves,
just a little projected.” Their only quarrel about it is not seeing
it rigorously enforced. To abolish government would be to cramp
the expression of their natures, and to abolish an agency by which
their lives are broadened and their interests widened.
The anarchist equally misses seeing
that the worst government, even that of the Czar, is beneficent
in most of its activity, working for the peace of the community,
for free communication between all parts of the country, for the
education of the young, for the encouragement of industry, and for
the maintenance of the national honor. In America we are very free
in criticising our municipal governments as those in which the national
spirit has found the least expression, and in which abuses most
thrive. But those governments actually serve most of the great objects
for which government exists. The peace is kept in New York, Chicago
and Philadelphia, and life and person are safer than in cities of
the Old World of the same size or larger. The health of the community
is safeguarded with vigor and intelligence. The education of the
rising generation is cared for with increasing efficiency. Vice
is kept from making public and demoralizing displays, if it is not
put down by law, as some people seem to think it might be. The family,
the social reunion, the church, and other social units are properly
protected. The government which achieves this is not a combination
of bandits, whatever its faults and whatever the need for its reform.
The murderer of our President seems
to have expected that his deed would usher in social chaos, especially
as it occurred during a great struggle between Capital and Labor.
It did not and could not do so because we all see the facts in a
truer perspective than does the anarchist.
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