The Death of President M’Kinley
William McKinley, president
of the United States, is dead. For the third time a president has
fallen at the hand of murder. Neither station, human love nor the
voice of a great people can stay for a moment the end to which all
must come. His high office brought honor and with it grave responsibilities.
With it also, came danger; for, though this is a republic and he
held his place by the selection of the people for a brief term only,
yet the evil nature buried in the lowest depths of human wickedness
is able to reach the highest. The very greatness of the trust imposed
attracts the envy and hatred of the workers of iniquity. The head
of the highest and most honored is laid low by the hand of the most
depraved. Why are these things so?
President McKinley had just entered
his second term. He had attained the highest point to which the
ambition of the American citizen can reach. With four years of experience
behind him and no ulterior object ahead of him, with the training
and balance of ripe years, he stood in a position to do the noblest
work alloted [sic] to any man. The aspirant had reached attainment
and the politician could now sink to the man, who, with broadened
vision, could do the country best service and so exalt the citizen
ruler before the world. Yet he is stricken. Why are these things
so?
Lincoln fell just when his services
were most valuable and most needed, at the end of civil strife.
President McKinley is stricken at a moment when a great commercial
revolution is well started, which needs his guiding hand to control
and enforce. His last public utterance points out the path he has
chosen to tread. Where now is the great leader? His office will
be filled; but who shall fill his place?
The government never dies. Its workings
depend on no single life or any number of lives. A change in office
may vary tendencies and alter personal relations; it cannot transform
the government. So the great humiliation fallen upon our people
arises from the fact that in a free country, where its officers
come from the people and return again to them, the elements nursed
in other countries by unchanging suffering if not oppression, should
yet fail to discriminate and here do their dastardly work, availing
of nothing but the sorrow and humiliation of our citizens. Why should
such things be?
A whole people is touched with sympathy
for the man. A wide circle of friends made in private and public
life, mourn for him. A nation feels the shame of it. But no discouragement
is mingled with the tears. We feel that our chosen representatives
are still of us and not separate; that they will continue to go
about among us, as one of us, with confidence in the respect of
men and of their personal safety. This only is the way to make our
institutions safe and a republic impregnable. It may cost us even
yet valuable lives, but this course must in the end win out. It
will be a sorry day for our system of government when we have to
surround our representatives with armed forces and drive the people
from personal intercourse with them on suitable occasions. Will
not this event aid in bringing us closer together and establishing
on a firmer and more intelligent basis the right relations between
our representatives and the great body of the people?
A great people on great occasions
puts aside all littleness and feels one commanding impulse. Sorrow
and regret mingle at this moment in the minds of 70,000,000. We
are at one. Is it too much to hope that this will lead to better
things? Meanwhile, the nation mourns.
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