Publication information |
Source: William McKinley: Character Sketches of America’s Martyred Chieftain Source type: book Document type: public address Document title: “The Great Sorrow” Author(s): McGaffin, Alexander Compiler(s): Benedict, Charles E. Publisher: Blanchard Press Place of publication: New York, New York Year of publication: [1901?] Pagination: 120-23 |
Citation |
McGaffin, Alexander. “The Great Sorrow.” William McKinley: Character Sketches of America’s Martyred Chieftain. Comp. Charles E. Benedict. New York: Blanchard Press, [1901?]: pp. 120-23. |
Transcription |
full text of address; excerpt of book |
Keywords |
Alexander McGaffin (public addresses); William McKinley (memorial addresses); William McKinley (mourning); McKinley assassination (religious response); William McKinley; William McKinley (religious character); anarchism (religious response). |
Named persons |
Abraham Lincoln; William McKinley; George Washington. |
Notes |
On page 120: Rev. A. McGaffin on the Great Sorrow.
From title page: William McKinley: Character Sketches of America’s
Martyred Chieftain; Sermons and Addresses Delivered by the Pastor of St.
James M. E. Church, Bensonhurst, Brooklyn, N. Y., and Addresses by Brooklyn
Pastors and Other Prominent Ministers and Laymen, Portraying the Character
of Our Late Lamented President.
From title page: Compiled by Charles E. Benedict. |
Document |
The Great Sorrow
Christian men and women: In the
providence of God we are here to-day burdened with a great sorrow and in the
presence of what must be called, from our human point of view, a great disaster.
Officially, it is an earth wide grief, and over land and sea the governments
of the world have bowed their heads toward the home which holds the mortal remains
of our illustrious and beloved dead, a sign of their lament for him and their
respect for the great republic of the West. Racially, it is an Anglo-Saxon grief;
and wherever the mother English tongue is spoken and the virile English race
has camped, on mighty mainlands and storm swept islands of the sea, where our
own and Britain’s “far flung battle line” extends and the flags of the Anglo-Saxon
peoples wave “over palm or pine” in token of liberty and peace, there will heart
speak to heart of those who own one blood, one language, one history, one world-duty,
and thoughts of love and sad regret turn toward the bier where lies a great
and noble chieftain of the race.
Nationally, it is a genuine, deep
and universal grief, for in the presence of this great calamity there is in
this fair land to-day no faction or section, no North or South, no East or West,
no Democrat or Republican, no rich or poor, no capitalist or proletariat; but
one strong, united, stricken, indignant citizenship, bound heart and soul by
the bonds of faith in the permanence of its government and of sorrowing respect
for the honored and murdered man of its own free choice.
Individually, it is a personal grief, this
grief of ours to-day. Truly the treacherous hand struck through our leader at
us, at just and stable government, at law and order and peace. But collective
citizenship, government, law and order are abstract things, safe in the keeping
of an intelligent and patriotic people. The blow aimed at these by the powers
of lawlessness and lust was futile folly; and, though they never were endangered
they are [120][121] safer yet to-day in the affections
of an aroused and outraged nation. But, alas, while law and order reign on in
our midst, and “the government at Washington still lives,” he has gone who embodied
all these things for us and stood in our stead, by our hands ordained the high
priest of our political temple, to lead, to endure, to suffer and, if need be,
to die. The hand that struck at him was false as hell, but fatal as death. I
have no tears to shed over the attack of an insane pack of lawless men upon
the majority of government and law. The majesty of government is lost in exasperation,
in pity and love aroused by the pathetic spectacle of our unoffending, highminded,
humane yet murdered, foully murdered, statesman and President, a victim of the
lawless one’s hatred of law and a sacrifice upon the altar of the beauties of
good government and peace. No; I have no tears to shed, no exasperation or horror
to express for anarchy’s machinations against the political and social fabric.
A free and enlightened people may be trusted to take good care of both government
and anarchy. But I have deep sorrow in my heart for the agony and death of one
whose youth was earnest and honest; who offered his life to his country upon
the field of blood; who served long and faithfully in her state and national
Legislatures; who guided her with jealous care and eager zeal to lead her straight
along the path of peace with honor of war, in necessity with justice and humaneness,
through hours of new opportunities and responsibilities most grave since Washington
gave her a name and Lincoln saved her in her integrity from shame; who served
his generation to the satisfaction of the vast majority of his countrymen and
the admiration of the civilized world; who was a friend beloved, a husband both
tender and true, and yet was murdered in the hour of his achievement. He has
gone, William McKinley, President of these United States, gone when we had come
to believe that the skill of science and the care of love would save him to
his people; gone from the midst of many nations gathered in peaceful array to
hear his words and to toil together in those human pursuits whose welfare ever
held so large a share of his thought and interest; gone with the human word
“good-bye” and the divine word “God’s will” upon his death-chilled lips; gone
to a nobler assemblage than any of earth and to a [121][122]
greater reward than lay in the power of any people to bestow upon him. The country
has lost a great citizen. Government has lost a wise statesman. Religion has
lost a true friend and exemplar. The country will enshrine him in its memory
as a model of citizenship; government will cherish him as a martyr, and religion
will enroll him among the great cloud of witnesses. No creed, no party can claim
the man from us. As an American he belongs to us all without distinction of
party; as a good man he belongs to the church universal without distinction
of creed.
Here in this house of God we look
not so much at President and policy as at the Christian gentleman whose life
story honors God; and we take thought with ourselves that at the last great,
tremendous hour which must come to us all, it will not be place or power, financial
or intellectual might which will make men sad when we are gone or give us right
to the company of the immortals, but goodness and faithfulness, love and friendliness,
the ability to look the world with its richest rewards full eyed in the face
and say without fear of reproach, as he did, “Good-bye,” and look heaven in
the face and say without fear of judgement, as he did, “God’s will be done.”
For the man who can thus feel and speak death has no great terror and judgement
will bring no degradation. However sudden may be the summons, fidelity will
leave us never unprepared; goodness, not greatness, will make us ever ready.
May God sanctify this nation by this calamity. May it breed in every heart an
intenser love of land and law and a deeper delight in the great realities of
character which make William McKinley, though dead, speak more eloquently than
ever he did by word to the hearts of a grieved and indignant people.
Concerning the direct and indirect
authors of this awful crime, the anarchist and anarchism which have defiled
our free land, the self-restraint of our people and press in their grief and
horror is to be most highly commended. We upholders of law and order, we followers
of the Crucified who said: “Forgive them, for they know not what they do,” we
will not become anarchists at heart and wish that law had turned or will turn
from its prescribed, stern and relentless course. We will be no party to any
attack upon the orderly processes [122][123] of
justice to thus change the criminal to martyr and ourselves wreck the very fabric
at which the assassin struck. We cannot avoid the presence of these vain, misguided
men in our midst, and we will not be harried into hysterical efforts for their
suppression, which would give them an importance and influence in our land unwarranted
by their power and numbers.
We shall hope, hereafter, that our
Presidents will not be unnecessarily democratic during their official life and
will cease to mingle with promiscuous crowds upon the streets and station platforms;
that reputable newspapers will see the grandeur of the office more and the supposed
faults of the man less, and in their references to him and his acts will show
that chaste restraint and decent respect which become great guides of public
opinion. We shall hope that disreputable newspapers will be prohibited by law
from cartooning, with shameless and conscious deceit, the chief magistrate of
the nation, belittling him in the eyes of the unthinking crowd and handing him
over to the hatred and violence of the lawless and discontented minority, which
can ever find an empty-headed conceited fool to be its vainglorious instrument.
We shall hope, too, that in the minds of the people the Presidential office
will be lifted to a place of such honor and regard as will save the man whom
the people choose to fill it from the hasty judgements and acrimonious denunciations
of the private citizen. But after we have done all this and whatever else is
wise, we shall still be compelled to leave our ruler in the hands of God and
pray, “From wicked men and lawless acts, O Lord, deliver him.” We shall hope
on and hope ever that the benefits of good government, the light of increasing
knowledge, and the precepts of religion more and more commanding the affection
and assent of the whole people will prevent the desecration of our political
temple, will save us from a repetition of the horror and grief of this calamitous
hour, and preserve us and our rulers in prosperity and peace. May God grant
it, for His own name’s sake. Amen.