Publication information |
Source: Gunton’s Magazine Source type: magazine Document type: editorial Document title: “Theodore Roosevelt, President” Author(s): anonymous Date of publication: October 1901 Volume number: 21 Issue number: 4 Pagination: 315-19 |
Citation |
“Theodore Roosevelt, President.” Gunton’s Magazine Oct. 1901 v21n4: pp. 315-19. |
Transcription |
full text |
Keywords |
Theodore Roosevelt (assumption of presidency); Theodore Roosevelt; Theodore Roosevelt (political character). |
Named persons |
Frank S. Black; William McKinley; Theodore Roosevelt. |
Document |
Theodore Roosevelt, President
By the assassin’s hand Mr. Roosevelt’s
path to the presidency of the United States has been shortened. Yet he was heading
for the white house, impelled by all the natural forces which induce political
promotion. It is an unspeakable misfortune to him as well as to the whole nation
that his promotion should have come through such revolting methods, and yet
it is fortunate for the nation that under the circumstances Mr. Roosevelt was
next in line.
He is thoroughly in the nation’s confidence; he
is probably the most popular man with the American people in the country. His
promotion in political life has been exceptionally rapid and his experience
exceptionally full. Unlike any other man who has reached the white house in
half a century, his popularity is all his own. That is to say, it is with the
people that he is popular. It was the spontaneous demand of the citizens throughout
the country that forced his rapid political progress. He has the two qualities
which the American people most admire and are ever ready to stand by—integrity
and courage. It seldom occurs that a really popular man becomes president of
the United States. The candidates for that high office are not chosen by the
popular voice, but are selected through the machinery of party organization,
and that, in the last analysis, usually depends upon the decision of a comparatively
small number. After they are selected, they individually become party heroes
by virtue of such selection. Good men, and perhaps the best men, may be and
often are selected that way, but Mr. Roosevelt never enjoyed the advantage of
having the aid of these forces to secure his promotion. Indeed, he has more
often had them against him. His exceptional progress in public [315][316]
life has always come from his personal popularity with the unorganized and unmanageable
public, and this popularity was not due to his good looks, the suavity of his
manners or the eloquence of his speech, but to his sterling qualities, which
the people admire. He is not a man of political theories, but preeminently a
man of action. He always does things and that is what the people like. And,
moreover, his doing is always characterized by progressive public spirit and
unquestionable integrity. Whether president of the civil service commission,
or president of the police commissioners of New York city, or colonel of the
rough riders in the war, it was all the same. He was active, energetic, trustworthy
and always the soul of honor. When he became candidate for governor of New York
state, it was by the sheer force of personal popularity. The organization was
a unit against him and there were abundant reasons why Mr. Black should have
had a second term. He had earned it; there seemed to be no particular reasons
why Roosevelt should be substituted for Black on that occasion. Indeed, all
the traditional reasons were against it, but his popularity with the people
over-topped all ordinary calculations and his nomination was an irrepressible
stampede. He carried his qualities into the governorship, and nothing could
have prevented his election for a second term but the greater demands for his
promotion to the vice-presidency.
The demand for his nomination in this instance
was unique in the history of American politics. It came from every state in
the union. It is true that those who would make presidents and governors their
personal servants instead of public representatives in his own state, favored
his nomination to the vice-presidency in the hope that it would retire him to
the dust-box of politics or at least take him out of the line of [316][317]
political promotion. But the people, who indulged in no such short-range, unpatriotic
notions, demanded his nomination to the second highest place in the gift of
the nation, and the sad event which is now depressing the country only too clearly
shows how much wiser were the people than the politicians.
Thus he carries with him to the presidency that
confidence and enthusiastic support of the people that have been the lot of
few presidents on their first entrance to the white house. In the midst of the
national mourning, which is veritable sorrow throughout the land, there comes
from every responsible avenue of life expressions of buoyant confidence in Mr.
Roosevelt as president. The chambers of commerce, the great business houses
and financial institutions, and in fact from every walk of life the voice has
broken through the generally depressed feeling, to express hope and confidence
in his administration.
It is a peculiar characteristic of Mr. Roosevelt
that while he is emphatic and sometimes apparently impulsive, he is eminently
practical and truly conservative. He is not too conceited or vain to change
when he is in error or apologize for a mistake. He has shown, moreover, that
extraordinary capacity to rise to the occasion. He broadens with the duty and
strengthens with the responsibility. In assuming office, with that good sense
that never fails him, he promptly declares that his “aim shall be to continue
absolutely unbroken the policy of President McKinley for the peace, prosperity
and honor” of the country. This declaration everybody knew was not a mere collection
of words but an expressed determination. It was not an oration, but a promise
which every American took in good faith.
In assuming the presidency under these dreadfully
depressing conditions, Mr. Roosevelt has a double burden. He is called to assume
the duties of president [317][318] wholly unexpectedly
and to some extent unpreparedly, and he follows Mr. McKinley, who died in the
very zenith of his popularity, which is doubly intensified by the revolting
method of his death. All this will tend to make everybody more critical and
some perhaps hypercritical of Mr. Roosevelt’s doings. He is not beloved of the
politicians and may expect only the most ordinary support from them. The people,
the honest citizens throughout the country, who are truly patriotic and love
the republic and who believe that its institutions, from the smallest office
to the most responsible position in the nation, should be kept clean and above
reproach, the people who believe democratic institutions should be undefiled
and above suspicion, will give President Roosevelt their unqualified support.
It is the part of patriotism now to hold up the new president’s hands, to sustain
him unqualifiedly, to look not for the defects of inexperience, but shower forth
upon him their unqualified confidence that he may know afresh that the people
believe in him, and their very belief in him is proof that they expect much
from him,—and they will not be disappointed.
In declaring his intention to follow the policy
of his martyred predecessor, Mr. Roosevelt showed wisdom as well as discretion.
President McKinley’s administration has been preeminently characterized by a
policy of sound finance and industrial prosperity, a continuance of which will
make any nation great. Under that policy the national wealth and name and fame
have grown as never before. Wholesome and intelligently applied protection to
domestic industry, and a sound, stable financial system are the two great things
to be jealous of in the future. Surrender or compromise either of these and
disaster may easily be brought upon the nation. Mr. Roosevelt may be trusted
implicitly to adhere to this policy because it was not [318][319]
peculiarly the policy of Mr. McKinley, but is preeminently the policy of the
party his administration represented and also of the nation. So that all the
conservative and wholesome forces of the party in the country will naturally
and logically support Mr. Roosevelt in maintaining this policy, and the people
who are enjoying the benefits in unparalleled prosperity will enthusiastically
do so.
Besides continuing unbroken the public policy
of President McKinley, Mr. Roosevelt brings a strong, clean, wholesome personality
into the official politics of the nation. So far as he is called upon to act,
the nation may know, know without asking, that appointments will be made on
capacity and honor; that no position will be filled as the reward for questionable
party service or by questionable persons for mere partisan influence or political
purpose. He has too much good sense to introduce disrupting innovations into
the official machinery of government, but the American people may be assured
that any prostitution of office for party purposes, or corruption of the electorate,
or coercion of office-holders to control primaries and conventions, will not
knowingly be permitted by President Roosevelt. His hands are clean, his heart
is honest, his nerves are strong, and the American people may be assured that
all will unite in sustaining that purity in official life, with no less determination
and efficiency than the continuance of the policy of President McKinley for
the peace, prosperity, honor and glory of the nation.