As to Hysterical Nonsense
It may be said with confidence that
the demeanor of the American people under the shock of the attempted
assassination of the President has been rarely excelled. The people,
without regard to politics, have been boiling with indignation ever
since the dastardly crime was committed. They have demanded in a
voice of determination that Congress enact laws which will check
the importation of anarchists and make life in America uncomfortable
for such as are already here. But from first to last there has been
very little hysteria. Here and there a citizen may have lost his
head and called for the punishment of the man Czolgosz by a death
of torture; here and there a fool or scoundrel not identified with
anarchy may have expressed satisfaction at the act of the assassin;
but these instances have been so few as to be absolutely negligible
in the general survey. The people have exhibited no hysteria.
This being true about the people,
it is all the more to be regretted that a few newspapers which claim
reputability, and which certainly possess sense under ordinary conditions,
have lost control of their minds and made donkeys of themselves.
These newspapers are not many, it is true; but then a newspaper
has not the same excuse for talking nonsense as has the individual
citizen, who may speak on the spur of the moment without reflection
or realization of his own meaning. Newspapers are supposed to think.
Their duty to the public and to themselves is to weigh the effect
of words before uttering them. The half dozen newspapers which have
pretended to find in the strong and proper denunciation of Mr. McKinley’s
imperialistic policy a partial cause for the act of the assassin
at Buffalo are hysterical. That is the most charitable way of putting
it; therefore we put it in that way. They ought to be ashamed of
themselves, if for no other reason than that they claim intelligence.
The safety of this nation depends
upon freedom of speech. That right does not include the propagation
of anarchy; but it does include the criticism of public acts and
of public servants. The shooting of the President had no more to
do with the patriotic arraignment of his imperialistic policy than
it had to do with the phases of the moon. The assassin’s own testimony
shows that. But if, by chance, there were any person insane enough
to find in legitimate political criticism the suggestion of violence,
would the people give up their right of criticism on that account?
Bah! The idea is too puerile to talk about. Esteem for President
McKinley as a private citizen, admiration of his dignity as a public
officer, respect for his exalted post at the head of the nation’s
government,—these feelings are shared by all the sensible citizens
of this country, whatever their politics. But millions of people,
and of the best and sanest people, believe that Mr. McKinley has
been dangerously and deliberately heedless of the fundamental spirit
of freedom in his treatment of the Filipinos and Porto Ricans and
Cubans. These critics are just as much opposed to anarchy, and just
as earnestly anxious to have it made a crime in the law, as is the
most partisan political supporter of the President. They spurn hysterical
raving of all sorts, and laugh at it.
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