The Attempt on Mr McKinley
A it can not be said that Mr McKinley
is out of danger there is very good ground for hoping that the outrage
which startled the world on Saturday is not going to have a fatal
issue. The medical men who are attending the wounded President of
the American Republic are not yet able to give a final verdict,
but they hold out hope that Mr McKinley’s life will be spared, and
by the end of the week they will be able, we trust, to say definitely
that that hope will be realised. The whole world is praying that
the President may win through and be restored to health and strength,
and resume his position at the head of the American nation. But
the final issue, whatever it may be, cannot in the judgment of decent
men either mitigate or aggravate the crime which has been committed
against society by this Anarchist. The whole enormity of the offence,
so far as the world is concerned, was present in the attempt, and
whether the fell design of the Anarchist be consummated or not,
the nature of the crime of which Czolgosz has been guilty cannot
be hanged. The central fact which has arrested the attention and
shocked the feelings of human society, is that one of those beings
who are called Anarchists has attempted to take the life of the
President of a great Republic. The Anarchist is a terrible problem
at any time in any place, but there is something particularly appalling
about this deed. When a Nihilist throws a bomb in Russia, or an
Anarchist thrusts a dagger in France, the world is moved to intimidation,
but is not surprised. The conditions which obtain in those countries
are peculiar, and discontented and desperate men are expected to
commit desperate deeds at times. But when an Anarchist aims at the
life of the President of the United States the world is shocked
and startled. Of course the Anarchist is the avowed enemy of every
form of Government, of law and order wherever they exist, and therefore
every head of a Government—monarch, or president, or emperor—is
the subject of his hatred and vengeance. The President of the United
States is in the same category, from the Anarchist’s point of view,
as the Czar of Russia. Both represent the fountains of law with
irresistible force behind it. They represent government and government
is what the Anarchist is sworn to overthrow; but government in the
United States is very different from Continental government. It
was Continental government that called the Anarchist into existence,
and in the Continental soil he has flourished; but he has not hitherto
appeared to find a congenial home in freer and more enlightened
countries, such as Great Britain and America. Two Presidents of
the United States—Lincoln and Garfield—have fallen by the hand of
the assassin; but the motives for those crimes were radically different
from that which animated Czolgosz. This man aimed at the form of
government which the American nation has elected to live under.
He shot President McKinley because he did not like a republic; and
his dislike of republican government was apparently nursed into
being by Anarchist addresses of a woman by name Miss Goldman. It
is a curious condition of mind into which the Anarchist deludes
himself, and it is not easy for sane men to understand how anybody
but a maniac could be persuaded that he has a mission to murder
the heads of organised society, the representatives of law and order
in whatever form they may exist. But the state of mind of the Anarchist,
with its singular negative and destructive ideas, is not the question
to which America, and every other Government, must address itself.
The question that America will have to consider is, whether its
freedom is not too large and generous; whether it is not dangerous
to the safety of the State to permit Anarchist propaganda to proceed
without check. Liberty of speech and ideas is a lofty ideal, which
has a fascination for the radical British mind; but it is questionable
whether a liberty which permits the Anarchist to instil his poison
into weak minds is not inconsistent with public safety. That is
the question which we should think America will attempt to answer
before very long, and probably the freedom which has hitherto been
extended to all men will be narrowed and restricted. In the meantime
it is satisfactory to observe that America intends to punish Czolgosz
in a rational way. It will not make his trial and punishment a sensation,
nor will it elevate him into a position of notoriety and enable
him to pose, perhaps, as a martyr for his cause, by engaging in
a crusade against Anarchists and all persons suspected of fostering
the doctrines of Anarchy. It will enforce the law as against an
ordinary criminal, and if the interpretation put upon the law by
Mr Millburn be correct, as most people hope, it is not only Czolgosz,
who may be no more than a tool, but those who incited him to the
crime that will have to pay the penalty of their crime. The resolution
passed by the House of Representatives yesterday was framed in the
right spirit, and it stands as a testimony that society intends
to live under the law, and that it will not tolerate for a moment
the creeds and deeds of the Anarchist. Such resolutions passed in
every part of the civilised world will show that society refuses
to allow justification to the lawlessness of anarchy; that it regards
the means of anarchy with horror, and that it is determined to use
all the power which organisation can give it to stamp out the detestable
principles which go by the name Anarchy. The revulsion of feeling
produced by the attempt upon Mr McKinley’s life has been so strong
and universal that the dastardly outrage committed by this instrument
of Anarchists may result in good. The invasion of the United States
by the Anarchist may perhaps be fatal to Anarchy, and if that should
be so an incalculable benefit will have been reaped by the world.
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