News of the Week [excerpt]
ENGLISHMEN were horrified on Saturday last
by news of an attempt to assassinate the President of the United
States. Mr. McKinley was on Friday week holding a reception in the
“Temple of Music,” a large hall in the Exhibition at Buffalo, which
he had gone to visit, and, according to the wearisome custom established
in America, shook hands with every one who passed. A man at length
approached with his hand bound up in a handkerchief, and the President,
fancying him crippled, stepped slightly forward. The man, however,
had a revolver concealed, and fired twice at Mr. McKinley, one bullet
hitting him in the breast, but scarcely penetrating, and the other
passing through both walls of the stomach, to remain embedded in
the muscles of the back. The President, who was surrounded by detectives,
fell apparently mortally wounded, the assassin was knocked down
by a negro, and but for the determined exertions of the police he
would have been lynched. It has been ascertained that he is a young
Pole of twenty-three, that his name is Czolgosz, though he is known
as Mr. Nieman (Mr. Nobody), that he has indulged in Anarchist clubs
and Anarchist literature, and that he avows himself an Anarchist.
Though poor, he has no personal grievance against Mr. McKinley,
except that he is the elected chief of the Republic. He exults in
his crime, declares that he has done his duty, and, though quite
sane, expresses surprise that the people should have fallen on him.
He was, in fact, quite shocked at their ferocity.
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Many men in South Africa have survived
a similar wound even without those resources of conservative surgery
which were within half-an-hour at the disposal of the President.
Mr. McKinley has now survived his wounds for nearly seven days,
and up till Thursday evening the best surgical opinion in America
was that, failing complications, he would recover in about another
month. He is only fifty-eight, and is a strong, active man, with
perfect nerves, who has led a very abstemious and healthy life.
It he recovers—which at the moment of our going to press seems unlikely,
grave symptoms of heart failure having suddenly supervened—the joy
of the people will be broken only by the reflection that by the
laws of New York the assassin will be liable only to ten years’
imprisonment. That is clearly an inadequate punishment, but there
are grave reasons for not adopting the death penalty now so eagerly
demanded. It would destroy the motive for avoiding actual murder
which now influences, as much experience on the Continent seems
to prove, many Anarchist agents. By wounding without killing they
obey their orders without sentencing themselves.
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The crime enrages Americans even
more than it would enrage the subjects of a Monarchy. The devolution
of power is no doubt easy, as Mr. Roosevelt would if Mr. McKinley
had died have become President at once; but Americans are proud
to think that their institutions and their prosperity forbid the
generation of murderous political hatreds. The assassination is
a rude shock to their self-esteem, and they are ardently discussing
means for restraining the spread of Anarchy. Some propose to expel
all Anarchists, others to declare the profession of subversive opinions
a criminal offence, and others to imprison all known Anarchists.
None of these things are likely to be done; but Anarchist writing
may be made libel, known or suspected Anarchists may be refused
entry, and the vigilance of the police in all States may be considerably
increased. It should be remembered that each State makes its own
criminal law, and that the general Government cannot act, except
indeed by framing treaties to increase the facilities for extradition
when foreign Sovereigns are threatened. As regards the Presidents,
they are protected like other men by the death penalty for murder,
and by a vigilant police, which even in this instance almost surrounded
Mr. McKinley. No vigilance, however, not involving imprisonment
will guard a conspicuous man from an enemy careless if he loses
his own life.
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The deep sympathy for Mr. McKinley,
and of indignation at the crime, which has been expressed throughout
the British Islands, has been remarkable for its absolute spontaneousness
and sincerity. Not only has Mr. McKinley won the regard of the British
people as a great and worthy figure, but there has been a genuine
and heartfelt participation in the national anxiety. The truth is,
as we noted at the time of the Queen’s death, that it is impossible
for one part of the race to be deeply stirred without an answering
chord sounding in the other. We may feel for foreign nations
at times of national sorrow or anxiety. We feel with the
Americans as a man feels with those of his own house and blood.
We may note that the King’s messages, which have been simple and
natural and full of good feeling, have been greatly appreciated
in America.
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