President McKinley
We had gone to press last week when
the shocking news of the shooting, by an anarchist assassin, of
President McKinley, one of the greatest Presidents of the United
States, was flashed from Buffalo to all quarters of the civilized
world. In those [sic] later days of rapid communication, such important
events are made known with electric swiftness; consequently the
daily press, since last Friday, has kept every country in the world
acquainted with the facts of the horrid attempt upon the life of
that noble, gifted and loveable [sic] ruler. It is too late, as
a matter of news, for us to furnish full details of the mournful
and sensational series of events that have marked the most astoundingly
criminal deed of the new century. But it is never too late, provided
the earliest opportunity is taken, to give expression to the sentiments
of horror and of sympathy that animate us—horror at the crime, so
totally inexcusable and unjustifiable, that has been committed,
and sympathy for the victim of the foul deed, as well as for the
frail and loving wife of the good President, and with all the true
and honest citizens of the great Republic whose destinies he has
so patriotically guided during the past few years.
When the press of all countries and
of every imaginable political color, when the rulers and heads of
every form of government known to civilization, when the pulpits
of every section of Christendom, when, in our own church, from the
Sovereign Pontiff down the whole line of the hierarchy and priesthood,
are perfectly harmonious in the grand universal expression of hope
that the [Hand?] of Providence would frustrate the evil desires
of the lawless assailant and of prayer for the speedy restoration
to perfect health of the great man thus stricken down, we can do
little more than blend our humble voice with those of the tens of
thousands and unite in that accentuated sympathy and in those fervent
prayers[.]
Of the countless number of writers
who have paid tribute to President McKinley, during the past week,
one remarked that “lightning invariably strikes in high places,
and that is why there are few persons who are in such constant danger
of death by violence as those who either by inheritance or by the
election [of?] their fellow-citizens, are raised high above the
level of their fellow-creatures.” The history of the last half century,
and of the rulers in various lands during that period, furnishes
ample proof of the exactness of this statement[.] If we consider
that within a few years, comparatively speaking, three Presidents
of Republics—one of France and two of the United States—have been
murdered by anarchist, or maniacal hands, and that now the assassination
of a third President of the American Republic has been attempted,
we must conclude that it is as safe to be Czar of Russia, or Shah
of Persia, as it is to be the head of a constitutionally-governed
country—a land of liberty[.] When the Nihilist flings his death-dealing
bomb at the autocratic ruler in a land where certain liberties are
restricted, deeply and seriously as we may denounce the act, still
we cannot help feeling that there may be some ground-work, insufficient
and frail in fact, but yet enough to afford an explanation of the
individual’s conduct[,] but when the arm of the same species of
organization is raised with deadly purpose against the inoffending,
the liberty-loving, the purely democratic ruler—who occupies his
post of honor by virtue of the popular suffrage, and only for a
limited time—speculation is at a loss to assign a reasonable, or
even an excusable motive for the deed. If it be not mania, it must
be the deepest-dyed villany [sic].
We have noticed, from time to time,
that sections of the American press sneered at the precautions taken
by royal personages when going abroad, or even travelling [sic]
through their own dominions. The insinuation intended is to the
effect that in a land of perfect freedom and of republican principles
no such precautions are necessary[.] And, as a matter of fact, men
occupying such positions as those held by the Presidents of France
or America, have such unbounded confidence in their fellow-citizens
that they decline to be hedged in by unnecessarily numerous precautions
and they blend unhesitatingly with citizens of every class[.] The
result is that they expose their persons to death and they discover,
when too late[,] that they are men who are not capable of appreciating
liberty[.]
It is not a boon but a curse to accord
freedom of action, and even of expression to these members of murderous
and secret organizations. They are a perpetual menace to mankind;
they are the enemies of God and man; they possess perverted natures
that cannot be tamed, not even as much as the nature of a tiger,
or a serpent. To legislate against them is no easy matter, for they
bid defiance to all authority and all laws. We can see no way of
meeting them than [sic] by denying them every benefit accorded by
law to ordinary citizens. They should be outside the pale of executive
consideration[.] Once one of them is known to be what he is he should
no longer be allowed abroad amongst his fellow-creatures. It is
insane to wait until some dreadful crime is committed in order to
punish the culprit; a preventative course would be preferable and
that can only consist in making professed anarchy a crime against
the State[.] It should suffice that his connection with such societies
be established in order to justify his removal from the pathway
of humanity—we do not mean by death, but by incarceration for a
sufficient term to frustrate all designs that he might form, or
that might be formed by others for him.
At all events we trust that this sad
and severe lesson will not be lost on our American cousins[.] It
is high time that greater value should be placed upon the lives
of such personages as the President of the Republic[;] it is a national
duty of the highest moment[.] For our part, we can only pray that
the days of anarchy are numbered, and that the boon of pure Christian
education may be afforded the masses.
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