Foreign Comment on the Character and Policy of
Mr. McKinley
APPRECIATIVE comments on the career and personality
of the late President McKinley appear almost without a disparaging
note in the press of Europe. Like every one whose position has raised
him head and shoulders above the crowd, says the Temps (Paris),
the President attracted to himself the homicidal mania of the creature
of diseased soul as surely as a lightning conductor attracts lightning.
But it was not his station alone that singled him out. He himself
was a man of mark:
“If he can not rank with a Lincoln,
whose glorious career has left a shining track, neither is he
a Garfield, a passing guest in the upper air of public life,
who was snatched away before he could write a line on the white
page of his Presidency. William McKinley will be remembered
as a man who did something, who brought things to pass.”
He was one of the most
perfect examples of the man of the people, writes Robert de Caix,
in the Journal des Débats (Paris). The Figaro (Paris)
publishes a character sketch of the late President by M. Gaston
Deschamps, the well-known French writer who recently made a tour
of the United States, and who was presented at the White House.
M. Deschamps describes the extreme simplicity of the Executive Mansion
as compared with the royal palaces of Europe, and remarks how well
the dignified yet simple character of Mr. McKinley fitted in with
the surroundings in Washington: “A high forehead, penetrating, prominent
eyes, rendered more striking by the assertive eyebrows, an aspect
of care which sat forcibly on his clean-shaven face—in all, a serious
countenance, that of a statesman who realized perfectly the weight
of his responsibilities.” There was really none of the Napoleonic
lineaments, this French writer insists, altho European representations
of Mr. McKinley usually indicate a resemblance. The face was too
kindly and simple for that of a Cæsar. Mr. McKinley, concludes M.
Deschamps, “performed the exalted functions of his office with an
almost majestic simplicity which sat well on the chief magistrate
of a democracy to which all the world looks for an example of peace
and civilization.” Honest, simplicity, and devotion to the popular
will made him nearly perfect in American eyes, says Auguste Moireau,
writing in the Revue Bleue (Paris).
Most of the continental journals refer
to Mr. McKinley’s close identification with the high protection
idea in this country. That is Europe’s only score against him, declares
the St. Petersburger Zeitung. His administration witnessed
the greatest development in the United States during the past twenty-five
years, observes the Frankfurter Zeitung, and he can point
to much of this as his own work. The impression made by his death
in Germany, says the Hamburger Nachrichten, is even deeper
than that occasioned when Lincoln was assassinated. The greatest
President that ever sat in the White House, is the comment of the
Vossische Zeitung (Berlin). The Fremdenblatt (Vienna)
and the Pester Lloyd (Budapest), both semi-official journals,
express much the same views. The general tenor of comment in the
British press is that, while the late President had no very strong,
masterful character, yet he possessed the virtues complementary
to his defects and was eminently conservative and gifted with common
sense. The London Times says:
“He was not a statesman remarkable
for original views or distinguished by a bold initiative in
policy, but he was, in a marked degree, a typical representative
of the prevailing opinion of the majority of the American people.
He was actuated throughout his life by a strong sense of duty.
His devotion to his country was never questioned, even by those
who differed from him. He was courageous and clear-sighted,
too, in dealing with some of the most important problems that
have arisen in the historical development of the United States.
He has left his mark upon his time.”
The Daily News (London) believes
that the greatest source of his strength lay in his power of waiting:
“He could study serenely a burst
of popular passion without apparently being swayed by it, and
his bitterest enemies could not accuse him of playing to the
gallery. His temperament may have been prosaic, but it was felt
to be safe, and there was a certain dignity and adequacy about
his utterances which made themselves felt outside America.”
He was all that a self-made North
American should be, declares The Leader (London); the “typical
unassuming average man of his generation, who won the confidence
of the millions of average men who supported him because of his
solid virtues and his safe views.” The St. James’s Gazette
(London) declares that “it will be forever remembered of President
McKinley that in his time Great Britain ceased to be thought of
and spoken of as the secular foe of the United States,” and The
Standard (London), in commenting on the universality of the
mourning, observes:
“Homage was not confined to communities
of the Western type. Far beyond the limits of Christendom, people
came together at the appointed hour to join in the words of
sorrow and of hope. Not the least sincere, we may hope, of those
who attended these services were Prince Ching and the imperial
officials who formed part of the congregation at Peking. They
may well feel that in President McKinley they lost one who had
proved unmistakably his watchful concern for the peace and welfare
of their country.”
The dead President was so exactly
typical of his people, says The Speaker (London), that, “if
the lunatic’s desire was to draw down upon himself a universal detestation
without achieving a pennyworth of political result, it would be
difficult to name any one whom he could have chosen more apt for
his object than the President.” It continues:
“Mr. McKinley has in his virtues,
even more than in his faults, a representative character. His
weaknesses are those attaching to the commercial disease from
which the Northern and Eastern States conspicuously suffer.
They are pardoned by his contemporaries. His virtues are precisely
those which every traveler most values in his fellow citizens.
A great simplicity of manner and a charming and open courtesy
in the relations of private life are the salvation of American
society; these the President possessed in the highest degree.”
The keynote to his character, says
The Spectator (London), was his “habit of regarding of himself
as one bound by his position to be the funnel for the popular will.”
It continues:
“The ‘man with his ear to the
ground,’ if only he has the right kind of ear, and honestly
believes, as Mr. McKinley did, that his business is to use it,
can but rarely go wrong in important crises. To hear the undergrowl
clearly and interpret it aright requires, no doubt, a special,
and it may be a rare, faculty; but the man who possesses it
will not make great blunders, except when the people are hopelessly
in the wrong.”
The Telegram (Toronto) points
out as an indication of Mr. McKinley’s character the fact that his
last public utterance was a message of peace to the world; a pronouncement
indicative of high ideals and a broad and generous statesmanship.
Says this Canadian journal in conclusion:
“That message to the nations
of the earth bespoke his high sense of duty as a statesman;
his faltering farewell to his wife bespoke the reliable qualities
of the man. The merest suspicion of empty cant in the President’s
farewell address is removed by the character of the words uttered
when there was no arena to applaud, no public sentiment to humor,
no personal feeling to disguise. William McKinley has no claim
to a place in the world’s book of statesmen, but the greatest
who have gone before did not die with a grander message to the
nations or a nobler parting from family ties.”
—Translations made for T
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