He Will Be a Failure
As to the personality of Theodore
Roosevelt—the flower of capitalistic America, the embodiment of
“strenuous life,” and by accident also the youngest President the
United States have ever had—little can be said that is not generally
known. He was born in 1858 in New York of an old Dutch family that
gave an alderman to the city of New York for six generations. “Teddy”
graduated at Harvard university [sic] at the age of 22, was elected
to the Assembly of the state of New York at the age of 23, was chairman
of the New York delegation to the Republican national convention
at the age of 25, and was a candidate for mayor of the city of New
York at the age of 28 (in 1886, Vote—Hewitt, 90,555; Henry George,
68,110; Roosevelt, 60,435). He was a United States civil service
commissioner from 1889 to 1895; after that, from 1895-1896 a police
commissioner of New York city [sic], 1897-1898 assistant secretary
of the navy, 1898 colonel of the Rough Riders, 1898 governor of
New York, November 6, 1900, elected vice-president of United States
and became President by the death of William McKinley. Between all
these he found time to write books—about a dozen volumes or so—and
to manage a ranch in the Bad Lands in North Dakota. He is married
and has a family of six children, which is quite contrary to the
custom of the American capitalist class. It can be said that with
the exception of Thomas Jefferson he is probably the best educated
man that ever became President of the United States. He also has
the reputation of being an enthusiastic reformer. In short, Theodore
Roosevelt has had all the advantages that wealth for generations,
a strong body and excellent training can give.
Yet, with all these, we PREDICT a
SIGNAL FAILURE for THEODORE ROOSEVELT as President of the United
States. This failure will be especially glaring, should an industrial
crisis—a so-called panic, which is due within a few years—set in
during his first or second administration, for it goes without saying
that he will be renominated and re-elected, because the poor, decrepit
and split up Democratic party cannot elect a President any more
and the Socialists are still too week [sic]. We base our prediction
of utter failure for Roosevelt—and when we say utter failure we
mean that even a large element of his own class and his own party
will consider him a failure—upon the fact that although he likes
to pose as a reformer, like so many strong men of his class—for
instance, Bismarck—he fails to understand the significance of the
social problem, the meaning of the class struggle and the mission
of the proletariat. His surrounding [sic] and bringing up has prevented
him from seeing the other side of the main question of today. While
a reader of history to some extent he has evidently never studied
the history of civilization, at leas[t] his writings and doings
do not show that he has in any way grasped the tremendous change
that has not only undergone in the means of production, but also
in the makeup of the producers. While an infinitely stronger man
than McKinley, and fully as willing a tool of plutocracy, he will
do it great harm by making “strenuous” efforts to perpetuate its
rule. We look to Roosevelt to do Socialism and Social Democracy
a similar service as Bismarck did in Germany—that is, this country
being a republic and having a democratic form of government, Roosevelt
naturally will not be able to go even half as far as the Iron Chancellor,
yet “Teddy” will do whatever he can.
But the working people of America
will stand. And the working people of America will fight.
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