Opening Words to the Story of a Martyr
“A GREAT and good man
lies dead, and the nation mourns.” Such was the sentiment felt in
millions of hearts of citizens of the United States of America when,
on the morning of Saturday, the 14th of September, 1901, the sad
tidings were flashed from end to end of the country that their revered
and honored President was no more. During the days of that terrible
week which succeeded the treacherous assault upon the life of the
National Executive, when trusting himself most fully to the honor
and good-will of his people, hope wrestled with dread in the hearts
of Americans of every type of political faith, every sentiment of
national policy. The opponents as well as the supporters of the
President stood in spirit by that bedside where the life of one
of their noblest was ebbing away, and if silent prayer could ever
change the course of nature, it would have been changed in these
fateful days.
Hope for a time triumphed over despair,
and the hearts of the people throbbed with gladness when it seemed
as if the fell purpose of the assassin was about to be foiled, and
our President restored to health and vigor to finish the work which
he had been chosen by the voice of the nation to fulfil. Alas! no
one knew that dark disease was even then mining deep within, that
death had set his lurid seal upon that noble brow, and that minutes,
instead of months or years, marked the term of the President’s future
life.
Hence, when the shock at length came,
it was a terrible one. An universal spasm of grief passed from end
to end of the land. From far eastern Maine to the western land of
gold, from the [vii][viii] great lakes
of the north to the great gulf of the south, the sentiment of deep
regret, the feeling of intense sadness, filled every soul. Never
was a man more deeply and widely mourned, not even the sainted Lincoln,
nor the warmly esteemed Garfield, America’s two former martyrs to
integrity and high-mindedness in the Presidential chair. The shock
fell with sudden and irresistible force, and for an interval the
whole nation swung downward into the vale of grief, only slowly
to rise again from under the force of that dread blow.
Never was there a crime more without
purpose, more without possible good effect. William McKinley was
no oppressor of the people, no irresponsible and cruel autocrat.
No act of his had ever, from evil intent, taken the bread from one
man’s hand, the hope from one man’s heart. He was the representative
of the people’s will, not their master. Chosen by the votes of a
majority of the citizens to execute their laws and administer their
affairs, he had devoted himself seriously and conscientiously to
this purpose, and no one, not even those who most opposed his policy,
ever in their hearts accused him of self-seeking, of a disregard
for the obligations of his oath of office, of anything other than
an earnest desire to do what in his judgment seemed the best thing
for the good of the people as a whole.
There was no benefit conceivable to
be gained by his cruel taking off; nothing but evil—evil, deep-dyed
evil—in the act. Even the opponents of his policy could not hope
but that this policy would be pursued by the strong and able man
who would succeed him in the Presidential chair. Only the counsels
of insensate anarchy, the whisperings of a demon viler than Satan,
could have inspired such a deed; and for the man, if it is just
to call him man, that struck the blow, only a single excuse exists,
that his brain had been turned by the dark conspiracies in which
he was involved, and that it was at the instigation of a fanaticism
excited to the pitch of insanity that the deed was done. [viii][ix]
Anarchy has nothing to gain, it has
all to lose, by acts like this. It has been tolerated; it may be,
and deserves to be, proscribed. If there is to be no security, for
either good man or bad, from its fatalistic hand, the time will
surely come when the anarchist will be hunted with the implacable
resentment that the man-eating tiger is now followed, the hunt being
unremitting until the last assassin of them all is swept from the
earth.
The thought of deeds like these inspire
us to quote Shakspeare’s words:
“In
these cases
We still have judgment here; and we but teach
Bloody instructions, which, being taught, return
To plague the inventor; this even-handed justice
Commends the ingredients of our poisoned chalice
To our own lips.”
We may quote still further
from Macbeth’s famous soliloquy, since the qualities ascribed by
Shakspeare to the slaughtered Duncan apply with equal or even greater
force to a far later victim of the murderer’s hand, the martyred
McKinley.
“This
Duncan
Hath borne his faculties so meek, hath been
So clear in his great office, that his virtues
Will plead like angels trumpet-tongued against
The deep damnation of his taking off;
And pity, like a naked new-born babe,
Striding the blast, or heaven’s cherubim, horsed
Upon the sightless couriers of the air,
Shall blow the horrid deed in every eye,
That tears shall drown the wind.”
“The deep damnation
of his taking-off,” applies with the closest significance to the
assassination of William McKinley, for no President before him was
more “clear in his great office.” It is, [ix][x]
indeed, a singular circumstance that the three Presidents marked
for death by the assassin were among the noblest and best of the
whole Presidential family; Lincoln, who was loved as no President
before his time; Garfield, who was warmly esteemed for his deep
probity and earnest desire to administer his high office highly;
and McKinley, whose genial nature, warm heart, and rare devotion
to his sense of duty had won him the respect and heartfelt affection
of the great mass of his countrymen.
The death of Lincoln, however, came
at a time when the passions of men had been intensely roused, and
when the waters of strife still rose in billows of wrath. Garfield
fell at a time when political passion was similarly aroused by the
approaching deposition of the policy “to the victor belongs the
spoils” by the civil service or merit system. The murder of McKinley,
on the other hand, came like a bolt from a clear sky, when the clouds
of war had passed, prosperity reigned, and the country was settling
down into security and calm. Its effects, therefore, were the more
strongly felt, since it was a blow without a cause, a murder destitute
of warrant.
We feel tempted to quote again; this
time not from a master of expression of the past, but from one of
the present, William McKinley himself. It is well first to allude
to the interesting circumstance that Rutherford B. Hayes, McKinley’s
old commander and warm friend in the days of war, entered the Presidential
office in the same term that McKinley entered the House of Representatives;
their life careers thus seeming strangely united. McKinley, who
knew well the virtues and abilities of his lifelong friend, neatly
set off his estimate of his character in this telling phrase: “Good
in his Greatness, and Great in his Goodness.”
We quote it here with a purpose, that
of its evident close applicability to the speaker himself. As he
said of President Hayes, we may justly say of President McKinley,
that he was “Good in his Greatness, and Great in his Goodness,”
and this motto from his own lips deserves to be carved as an epitaph
upon his tomb. [x][xi]
We ask no pardon from the American
public for offering this biography of their late martyred ruler
for their perusal; feeling that now, while he is warm in their remembrance,
the story of his life will be received with gratification and read
with enthusiasm. His career has been a varied and deeply interesting
one. Born in humble circumstances, in a true sense “One of the People,”
he engaged, while a mere boy, in the deadly struggle for the permanence
of our institutions and the integrity of our territory, the Civil
War. In this his story was striking, his services meritorious, his
ability conspicuous, and he had the honor, shared by few besides,
of rising from the position of a private soldier to the rank of
Major in his regiment.
The war ended, he engaged in the practice
of the law, but before many years had passed entered the halls of
Congress, where his skill as an orator and his earnest and able
advocacy of the principles of his party quickly won the admiration
of his fellow members. As a Congressman his name became associated
with one of the most prominent legislative acts of the closing century,
the McKinley Tariff, which first lifted him into high prominence
before the eyes of the people.
Serving subsequently as Governor of
Ohio, he was in 1896 chosen as President of the United States. He
succeeded to this high office at a critical period, that in which
the policy of Spain in Cuba was leading inevitably to war between
that country and the United States. The results and far-reaching
consequences of this war rendered the administration of President
McKinley the one most crowded with intricate and momentous questions
after that of Lincoln. No matter what course he had chosen to pursue,
one of contraction or one of expansion, he would have met with animadversion
and called forth hostility. That he chose the course which seemed
to him the best adapted to promote the development of his country
and the interests of mankind no man can fairly doubt.
That he aroused enmity and opposition
during his life must be admitted. But with his sudden death all
enmity and recrimination [xi][xii]
fell to the ground, the nation rose as a man to proclaim his noble
character and wealth of good intent, and the world stood, in spirit,
beside his bier, to lay upon it the wreath of high respect and heartfelt
admiration. Peace be with him in death, as it was not always in
life!
——————————
The following lines,
breathed by the President in his dying moments, are fitting words
with which to close this preface:
Nearer, my God, to Thee,
Nearer to Thee,
E’en though it be a cross
That raiseth me,
Still all my song shall be,
Nearer, my God, to Thee,
Nearer to Thee!
Or if on joyful wing,
Cleaving the sky,
Sun, moon and stars forgot,
Upward I fly,
Still all my song shall be,
Nearer, my God, to Thee,
Nearer to Thee!
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