Our Untimely Dead
attribute of the human race that has most distinguished it in all
times and in all ages, is respect for its ancestors and hope for
its posterity. The generation that shows little respect for the
history, teachings, and precepts, the fame and memory, of its ancestors,
is a generation deserving to be, and likely to be, forgotten and
despised by posterity. Respect for those that have preceded us,
hope for those that are to follow, are the characteristics that
tend to elevate mankind above the beasts, and ally humanity nearest
to the gods. Without this influence prevailing in a controlling
degree, nothing good could long survive; no evil could be destroyed.
Six men have been nominated by the
Republican party and elevated to the office of President of the
United States, and of these six men, exactly one half have been,
during their terms of office, assassinated. This is a record, times
and conditions considered, unparalleled in the history of the world.
This extraordinary situation does not seem to have had its origin
in any defined cause or condition, but appears to have come about
by a concurrence of disconnected viciousness and exceptional misfortune.
In the Old World, few attempted assassinations
have succeeded. The attempts far exceed those in this country; and
while there an assassin usually misses a tyrant, here he seems never
to fail in his attempt to kill a benefactor of mankind. 
While much will be attempted, little
will be accomplished by means of the direct operation of law. An
assassin of this class is invariably immune to reason, impervious
to shame or disgrace, incapable of fear of death, in the sense that
such fear restrains crime. He glories in things dishonorable to
all honorable men; as his disgrace is deepened as his dishonor is
more widely known, the self-glorification of such misconceived libels
on the name of the human race proportionately increases. Obviously,
such remedies as can be used should be rigorously applied. All possible
precautions should be taken both against the sources as well as
the substance of anarchy. But such laws, and such laws only, as
are strictly consistent with our constitution and form of government
will be found most efficient. Any laws or procedure going beyond
these ancient and defined boundaries will be found inefficient,
and in the end retroactive and injurious.
These three men—Lincoln, Garfield,
and McKinley—were peculiarly the type and character of men that,
even from an assassin’s point of view, did not justify assassination.
Each had been advanced from the ranks of toil by the suffrages of
his countrymen. Each, in his own way, but in an unusual degree,
was kind, considerate, loving, gentle, and forgiving. It is true
that during the administration of Abraham Lincoln the country was
engaged in one of the most fearful and lamentable wars that ever
afflicted any people. But what could have better illustrated the
man, his real spirit and love of peace, than the closing words of
his first inaugural address?
“In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen,
and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The government
will not assail you; you can have no conflict without being yourselves
the aggressors. You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy
the government; while I shall have the most solemn one to ‘preserve,
protect, and defend it.’
“I am loath to close; we are not enemies,
but friends; we must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained,
it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory,
stretching from every battle-field and patriot grave to every living
heart and hearthstone all over this proud land, will yet swell the
chorus of the Union when again touched, as surely they will be,
by the better angels of our nature.” 
If this people and this nation had
existed only to give birth to Abraham Lincoln, each would have justified
its existence. So long as history shall endure, he will stand as
an unanswerable contradiction to all who claim or assume that rank
or station, opportunities, or even special preparation, are essential
to the greatest usefulness and success in a position of the greatest
possible responsibility and honor. No civilized man ever came into
the world in greater loneliness or poverty. He was born upon the
border, and grew up along the ragged edges of civilization. Without
schools or churches, except of the poorest and the rudest, wholly
without the supposed broadening influences of travel, knowing only
the advantages of that university of the outside world, that college
common to all of the American people, he showed himself the equal
in skill, patience, endurance, and true statesmanship of any man
of any age or country. When others, whose radical and sectional
course had brought the country to the verge of war and separation,
recoiled in alarm from the responsibility of the danger they had
created, he alone of all the leaders never faltered. In all that
pertained to the bonds of affection that should have united his
distracted countrymen, in the memories of the past, in the common
interest of all, in everything that tended toward peace and to avert
war, he was vine and flower. But in the performance of his duty
as he saw it, in his adherence to his official oath, in the preservation
of the Union as he found it, he was rock and oak. In simplicity,
in high character, in the possession of that characteristic we call
humanity or human nature, he was the greatest character of all history.
Many of the great orations of the world have been preserved. Two
of these are each, many times over, shorter than any of the others.
Both of these were productions of Lincoln,—his second inaugural
and his Gettysburg address.
Lincoln belonged to the rare class
of statesmen who are willing to sow that others may reap. In his
administration we lost hundreds of thousands of our bravest and
best sons. One half of the shipping commerce of the country blocked
the other until both were destroyed. Our great agricultural resources
were laid in ruins over nearly half of the country. The national
debt multiplied and grew into hundreds of millions. 
Neither he nor his immediate generation was permitted to harvest
the results of their sacrifice and loss. In the estimation of many
alleged statesmen of to-day, the man who would sacrifice so much
for a mere principle should not be recognized as a statesman. But
none of these same men would dare question the wise statesmanship
of Abraham Lincoln.
Greed and avarice must have their
reward to-day, but truth and honor, undisturbed, await the verdict
of posterity and the coming of God Almighty’s own and better to-morrow.
Abraham Lincoln was the chief figure in the fiercest and most unrelenting
struggle that ever divided the people of any country. While in all
things he was unyielding in the preservation of the Union, struggling
always toward the light, and always to do the right as God gave
him to see the right, no man was ever more resolute, firm, and determined,
yet no man was ever more kind and generous, sympathetic and forgiving.
His greatest love was his love of truth. His only enemies were the
enemies of his country. He recoiled with aversion and gentleness
from offending any person. He would oppose and offend all mankind
in defense of a principle. And so it has come to be true that he
is beloved by all men everywhere; his greatness grows with the receding
years, for us and for all future generations.
“Though round his breast the rolling clouds of war are spread,
“Eternal sunshine settles on his
Following not long
after Lincoln, came Garfield,—a soldier, in his youth, in the Civil
War. Entering early in life the House of Representatives, he grew
into commanding influence in legislation. It was not an accident
that he was chosen as a compromise candidate in the great struggle
between the forces of Conkling and Blaine; it was because he was
a man of infinite labor. Born only a little higher in the social
and financial scale than Lincoln, he had made his way forward and
upward by merit alone. In counsel he was safe and wise; in action
he was strong and successful; in debate, if second to any, it was
only to Blaine and Conkling. He came to the Presidency full of strength,
hope, and courage. His Cabinet is memorable for its brilliancy.
But even before preliminary disputes could be 
settled, and the great work for which he and his great advisers
were so well equipped could even be well begun, he, too, was shot
wantonly and wickedly by a man half mad, half-devil. Between the
paths of hope and the portals of death he lingered for weary weeks.
He, too, passed in his prime to the great beyond.
His eulogy was pronounced by Blaine,
his great Secretary of State,—Blaine, whose illuminated intelligence
lighted the way for statesmen of his own and succeeding generations,—Blaine,
also, too soon to follow his illustrious friend. Our language contains
no passage more beautiful than this great man’s sweet and touching
tribute to the character and virtues of his dead friend. Garfield
was in all things an admirable man; he saw the brightest and the
best of life; he gave courage; he inspired hope; he brought good
cheer; he inspired confidence; and he was taken all too soon for
the good of his country and his countrymen.
William McKinley,—it seems but yesterday
that he was with us, the leader of leaders, and the controlling
force in all our great and momentous struggles with the problems
that oppressed and vexed us then, and will continue to engross the
attention of succeeding generations.
William McKinley, the soldier boy
who went to the front in the Civil War and came home as, and ever
remained, Major McKinley. Soldier, Congressman, Governor, and President,
long and faithfully he served his country. He was a man of few,
surprisingly few, animosities. Yielding that others might yield,
with a magician’s skill in compassing results, he grew, never suddenly
or even rapidly, but steadily. From the first year he entered public
life he gained in strength and influence, until at the time of his
death he stood in a position of such extraordinary influence and
command, that about the only limit to what he could achieve was
what his discretion and judgment would not permit him to ask. In
all his personal traits he was kind and gentle. He was married in
his youth to a brilliant and beautiful woman, but on the very threshold
of their life together she was stricken with an incurable affliction.
No wife ever had a more gentle, faithful, or devoted husband. No
cares of state, or labors of his own, or demands of others, 
could ever distract him from the most detailed and devoted attention
to her every wish and want.
Many a man, wise in his own conceit,
scoffing at the faith of his fathers, and ridiculing the custom
of his ancestors, might easily discover a needed rebuke in the life
and death of William McKinley. Nor is he alone in exemplifying these
It is perhaps more usual that a man
like President Hayes should be devoted to his wife, for she was
helpful in a womanly way, and exercised almost a controlling influence
in his life. She preceded him but a little while, and in the intervening
time he seemed to regard but little the passing of time or the occurring
of events; and although his had also been an illustrious career,
and though he too had been a soldier and a general in the Civil
War, a member of Congress, governor of his native state, and chief
magistrate of his country, in his last hours his mind did not revert
to his many earthly honors; he thought not of the times when he
had been general, Congressman, Governor, President, but his mind
reached forward to his faithful, loving companion in the just beyond,
and he murmured as he passed away, “Lay me by Lucy’s side.” Such
great lessons should not be lost nor forgotten. They teach the lesson
that affection does not perish with youth, but continues with the
years, and the real love of a real life grows brighter and brighter
as the end comes on, like the increased glory of the setting sun.
The assassination of President McKinley
was as atrocious as any act could possibly be. All his life he had
been a kind man, striving not to give offense to any one, and to
work no injury even to his enemies. His chief purpose in life seemed
to be to labor from day to day for the peace, prosperity, and well-being
of his people; to harvest for them to-day, with as little loss and
sacrifice as possible, the greatest possible return for their labor
and industry. He was apparently entirely without malice. He was
a guest at a great national exposition exemplifying peace, comity,
and commerce. With democratic simplicity he mingled with his fellow-citizens.
Himself childless, he loved the patter of little feet and the prattle
of childish voices. He stood with his hands on the head of a sweet
and smiling child, looking for a moment with love and tenderness
 on her innocent face. It
was thus and at this moment that a misborn, calloused human brute
found it in his depraved nature, not in his heart,—he could not
have had a heart,—to shoot him to death. No act ever exceeded in
atrocity the “deep damnation of his taking off.” It will be a long
time before his countrymen will fully recover from the rude shock
of an act at once so unexpected and so vile.
There are many things we can never
understand. Perhaps McKinley’s last words express it as well as
any words ever can. “It is God’s will and way.” Looking back over
the lives of these three men, their untimely and inexplicable assassination,
reverting to the history of our country, in which they comprehend
so large a part, observing all the miracles of war and peace and
progress that have been wrought, we say, Surely, it is God’s will
and way. Mankind could never have wrought so well and so wisely.
As we strive to look beyond through the oppressive problems of our
day and hour, and realize the supreme confidence that possesses
the successful and progressive thoughtless, the overwhelming doubts
and deep oppressions of those that seek to reckon and divine whither
it all tends, we would gladly solve it if we might, by saying, May
God’s will and way, to which they appealed, afford as safe and sure
a guide for us and for our children as it furnished to our fathers.
Our highest loyalty to our party requires
that we shall insist that it shall be right, not right as we severally
shall captiously assume the right, but right consistent with the
fundamental principles of our government and the genius of our institutions,—right
as prescribed by the constitution, by the Declaration of Independence,—right
as tested by our first platform of principles; by the life, character,
and teachings of Abraham Lincoln. That party would not be on the
right course, or really strong, that could not safely permit its
members to adopt this motto, “My party—may she always be right;
but always my country.”
We have in all parties too much party
servility and too little party loyalty; too many men extolling the
party spirit, dreaded by Washington, ready to deny the liberty of
speech or action within the party, absolutely essential to good
citizen-  ship, but who would
turn and rend the party all too soon if the inducement or consideration
for party service were to be removed. Ideals, correct principles,
the hearts, consciences, and affections of men, have always governed
in the end. A generation may tarry for a little while by the fleshpots
of Egypt, but they always grow weary of such low living, and struggle
on to better and higher things.
In my youth I spent many years far
out on the boundless prairies of the mighty and then undeveloped
West. I have seen the clouds gather, and the night fall dark and
impenetrable. There was no guiding path upon the earth below or
in the heavens above. All that could be done was to watch and wait.
Wait, and the darkest night will end; wait, and the blackest clouds
will pass away; watch and wait, and the north star always comes
once more in view.
The most skillful mariner on the most
tranquil seas is hopelessly lost but for the guidance of the compass
and the star; by their unvarying direction and kindly light the
most tempestuous and dangerous seas are navigated; and so we in
times of peace and prosperity may be in infinitely greater danger
than in times of war, if we be not mindful of the compass that pointed
the way in peace and war for those that have preceded us, and if
we do not guide the ship of state by the constitution so wisely
set before us,—the guiding star for us and for all succeeding generations.
We have founded here a new government
and a new order of things, founded upon the will and control of
all the people. Thus far we have succeeded beyond the dreams of
our fathers. We have, by the counsel, the labor, and the energy
of all the people, set the high mark for all things progressive,—
in the dissemination of learning; in practical science; in inventions
and discoveries; in the greatest good to the greatest number; in
average benefits to the average man. In ways and methods we may
be subject to severe, perhaps harsh, criticism, but in results contributing
to the happiness of all that think, and labor, and strive, we have,
in a way quite wonderful, distanced all past efforts of all the
generations of mankind.
In the midst of success and prosperity
it is only needful to keep in mind the causes that have contributed
to and produced  our pre-eminence.
What we have accomplished is not the result of any peculiar advantages,
conditions, inventions, or discoveries, half as much as it is the
result of the greatest average of intelligence, energy, character
and opportunity, patriotism and courage, that has inspired our people.
It is the result of a union of mind and purpose, and equal incentive
and equal opportunity. American citizenship and American manhood
have produced our inventions and riches and developed our resources.
All that is required is, that we do not forget the cause and worship
the effect. Preserve the equality, hope, manliness, and courage
of the average man. Keep forever inviolate the principle, in theory
and practice, that all men are created free and equal. A government
so conducted is founded and based upon eternal truth, and as surely
as truth shall survive, so equally true it is that a government
so conducted and maintained shall perpetually survive. That governments
founded upon error and maintained by force have always fallen to
decay, is no proof or precedent that a government of all of the
people for all of the people shall not continue all of the time.
If it were an honor to be a citizen
of Sparta or Athens or Rome, how infinitely greater it is to be
a citizen of the American republic!
Such equal citizenship is at once
so responsible, so honorable, that no place or station, or office
or riches, can add to it, and there ought never to be any place
or station or wealth in this country that could add any preference
or dignity to simple citizenship. Any man whose heart is not responsive
to this sentiment is drifting from the morning of true Americanism.
Our position as Republicans but adds to our responsibility as citizens.
Ours is the greatest political organization in its past achievements
and in its present strength that ever existed in any age or country.
This is not boastful, because it is truthful. It should not inspire
us with vanity, but should impress us with our responsibility.
Never again in the history of the
world can there be spread out before any people such an imperial
domain as that subjugated by our race. No other race can ever excel
in worth or virtue those ancestors of ours, who possessed the courage
to liberate themselves from others, a rectitude equal to the 
task of self-subjugation, and an energy that has turned a wilderness
of wastes and woods into a wilderness of cities and of homes,—a
race that wrested the scepter from tyrants and the lightning from
the clouds,—a race that gave freedom to mankind, and as a recompense
harnessed and enslaved the elements to infinitely greater toil and
usefulness. If such a people, upon such a domain, could not found
a government of the people and for the people and by the people
that could long endure, by what stretch of the imagination or dream
of philosophy shall mankind ever again be induced to strive or hope?
This understood and considered, we
are not upon trial for the Republican party, not for this nation
or the union of states, not for a generation, or even a race, but
we are upon trial for human liberty, equality, self-government for
mankind and for all time. Let us hope that it shall be God’s will
and way that those we mourn to-day as our untimely dead, with others
whose worth and service have adorned the history of our party to
such a degree that, having passed beyond and above us, they belong
to our country and to mankind; shall from the battlements above
forever look down upon the nation and the people that they served
and loved so well, and may they ever see their countrymen free,
equal, and untrammeled, and this nation moving on its destined and
designed course, that, seeing, they may know that they lived not,
labored not, neither died, in vain.