[untitled]
T A had
learned from the assassination of L and
G, that the executive head of their nation
was exposed to the same danger from the spirit of lawlessness as
the rulers who directed the destinies of countries accustomed to
tyranny and despotism.
There are in men two instincts—one
that makes for order and regulation, and one that is constantly
opposed to any interference with the widest rights of the individual.
Fortunately, as a rule, the instinct of order is the preponderating
one, so much so that in its name nations have endured almost without
complaint the most unjust and tyrannical laws.
The careful and deeply-studied adjustment
of the necessary governmental forces, to secure at the same time
an adequate national strength and the greatest freedom to the individual,
which characterizes the laws of the United States, would seem to
have precluded that bitterness towards the personal heads of government,
which might seem to have some justification in despotic countries.
The human mind is, however, swayed
by signs and symbols. The President of a republic is as much the
State to the imaginations of many, as was the Grand Monarch of France
in his own well-warranted belief. The President is as much the concentrated
embodiment of the Government, which either protects or oppresses
the individual, according to that individual’s peculiar standpoint,
as is the Czar of Russia. It is a peculiar mark of the ordinary
mind, unaccustomed to reflection, that it looks for some personal
enemy upon whom to fasten the personal grievance. As intelligence
retrogrades and trenches on insanity, this tendency becomes more
paramount in the individual constitution. The conspicuousness of
a republican ruler, and ignorance of the real nature of the powers
he possesses and the restrictions imposed upon him, render him just
as [561][562] liable to the personal
attack of fanatics as the greatest and most assured despots. The
intelligence of the majority of the citizens of the United States,
and their pride in the general beneficence of the Government they
support, make them forget the danger from the small minority who
would be dissatisfied under any circumstances whatever.
Although the fate of L
and G showed that the assassination of
the President was not forfended by the general liberality of our
institutions, yet in each of these cases there had been some semblance
of a reason for the final catastrophe. The fanatic who killed L
had fed his mind on the hatred and despair immediately engendered
by the failure of the Southern Confederacy; the one who killed G,
on the political rancors consequent on party division, But in the
case of MK, there
seemed to be no reasonable ground from which any human mind, sane
or insane, could draw the poison necessary to drug it into the condition
to devise and carry out so foul a crime. This last assassination
has fallen like a bolt from a clear sky. Of course, after the event
it is not difficult to trace the influences which impelled the mind
and nerved the assassin’s hand.
Anarchy is the science of getting
along without any Government. It is in an academic sense a purely
utopian idea, which could only become practical were it possible
to so train the physical and moral nature of each individual that
each could exist and thrive and exercise all desirable rights without
ever trenching or seeming to trench in thought, word or aim on the
rights of any other. In other words, under ideal anarchy each individual
would simply govern himself. There would be no disputes or differences
of opinion, in fact a sort of governmental Nirvana, heavenly only
to those who could enjoy a perfect stagnancy of mind and body, and
utterly unattainable by beings having the characteristics of men
and women. Unluckily, this ideal of moon-struck philosophers has
been taken up by people either half educated or wholly ignorant,
who do not possess the faculty of detecting impracticability. They
possess only sense enough to see that the existing order of society
and government does not coincide with their ideas, and must be abolished
if these ideas are to be practically tested. They ignore the experience
of ages, that has proved the limits of human capability of self-government,
and would apply their untested remedy for unavoidable evils, with
a hand more merciless than that of the most notorious oppressor
of his fellow men. The half-baked disciple, longing to distinguish
himself and become a martyr and saint of the vague propaganda, rushes
upon the most conspicuous personal symbols of the present social
order, just as the iconoclast tore down idols and images. [562][563]
The history of successful assassination
has seldom shown any conspiracy or plot among a number of persons.
Conspiracies to remove rulers have been, in modern times at least,
usually detected and defeated. The assassination of William the
Silent, of Henry the Fourth, of M, of G
and of MK, are of
the class where the deed is conceived and executed by one person
alone, with a mind influenced by what may be called the suggestion
of some contemporary hatred, real or supposed, of a local character.
This hatred may be either personal towards the victim or merely
towards the system he is supposed to represent. It is generally
agreed among philosophers that when from any motive an individual
becomes really willing to sacrifice his life and undertakes to kill
any victim he has marked down, precautions are useless. Assassinations
like those mentioned could not be guarded against. Luckily, however,
such assassins are rare, but unluckily there is no means of detecting
them until they have performed their fatal act. The device used
by the murderer of MK
for concealing his weapon was precisely the same as that adopted
by the assassin who killed the Emperor D.
This Emperor, according to S, had very
good reason to fear assassination, and no one, not even a relative,
was admitted to his presence until he or she had been searched for
weapons. S, the assassin, concealed a
dagger in a bandaged hand and arm, and when admitted accomplished
his purpose.
This and other instances that might
be cited show that the greatest precautions may be taken in vain.
Nevertheless, since the tradition of the personal safety of the
Presidents of the republic in the hands of their fellow citizens
has been broken by three bloody instances, it were well that the
ease with which the chief men of the country are generally approached
should be restricted, and there is no doubt that while the appearance
of accessibility will be preserved to as great a degree as possible,
more precautions will be taken hereafter. While these may not always
be effective, yet they are better than the loose openness of approach
which is a temptation to the notoriety-seeking crank. The catastrophes
which disturb the calculations and plans of a whole nation, which
may upset business, and paralyze enterprise and industry, should
be made, if not impossible, at least extremely difficult to bring
about.
The death of MK,
lamented and grievous, falling a victim as he has to the organized
spirit of lawlessness, if organism can be predicated of anarchy,
may have its uses in arousing the feelings of our citizens in favor
of respect for law and order, which of late years has tended to
become too dormant. The uncontrolled individualism which in mobs
has defied law and wreaked its impulses on supposed criminals, may
just as easily, as has been shown in the case of the [563][564]
President, be made to manifest itself against the greatest, the
purest and most revered of citizens. Respect for law has become
lax in all parts of the country. This fact makes itself evident
in the indifference to the punishment of petty crime because of
expense, that may be noted in communities outside of cities. This
indifference leads to greater offenses, and to attempts at repression
by an impulsive rising of the mob. If the shock given to the country
by the murder of the President shall result in awakening the people
to the necessity of supporting law and order in all its details
great and small, and make every citizen look upon the invasion of
the legal rights of another as a beginning of the invasion of his
own, then W MK
in his death will continue to confer on his countrymen the benefits
which they enjoyed from his living administration of affairs.
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