Publication information |
Source: Independent Source type: magazine Document type: editorial Document title: “The Pistol Habit: Stop It” Author(s): anonymous Date of publication: 18 August 1910 Volume number: 69 Issue number: 3220 Pagination: 371-72 |
Citation |
“The Pistol Habit: Stop It.” Independent 18 Aug. 1910 v69n3220: pp. 371-72. |
Transcription |
full text |
Keywords |
gun control. |
Named persons |
John Wilkes Booth; Leon Czolgosz; James J. Gallagher; James A. Garfield; William Jay Gaynor; Charles J. Guiteau; George C. Holt; Abraham Lincoln; William McKinley; William H. Seward. |
Document |
The Pistol Habit: Stop It
T
These facts should raise the most serious reflections,
and they should provoke prompt and thorough-going measures to put an end to
the most indefensible and monstrous habit of this people, a habit which falls
little short of an epidemic insanity.
Judge Holt is absolutely right. For purposes of
defense the rifle is superior to the pistol. The pistol and the bomb exist practically
only for mischief and murder.
The Constitution guarantees the right to bear
arms. But bearing arms does not mean carrying pistols.
The Second Amendment says:
“A well regulated militia being necessary to the
security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall
not be infringed.”
The amendment explains itself. It is the militia
system which it protects, and the militia are not carrying pistols. It is not
easy to see how this right to bear arms could stand if the Government should
forbid the private manufacture and sale of arms in general as it forbids the
private coining of money or the carrying of mails; but in order to suppress
the pistol habit it is not necessary for the Government to monopolize the manufacture
and sale of arms, or to destroy any right now guaranteed. State laws and municipal
ordinances generally forbid the carrying of concealed weapons, and this
restriction is not held by the courts to invade any constitutional right. The
Constitution does not say that the citizen may keep his arms hidden in a pocket.
Neither does it guarantee to him a right to keep and bear a weapon of any specific
description beyond muskets at a “training.” It is difficult to see how the Supreme
Court could construe a law forbidding the manufacture, sale or carrying of pistols
without a license as unconstitutional. Judge Holt’s opinion that it would be
justifiable for the Gov- [371][372] ernment to
prohibit the manufacture or sale of pistols, except in national armories for
the use of the military and police, but that such a law is probably impracticable,
may be accepted as summing up the constitutional presumption and the popular
thinking on this subject. But we believe that his further judgment that it should
be possible to enact laws subjecting the manufacturing, selling, purchasing
and using of revolvers to restriction by license granted by a responsible board,
is entirely sound and that steps should immediately be taken by an organization
or committee of sober-minded men to press such measures upon the attention of
all our State legislatures.
As matters stand today, the citizens who might
rightly make use of arms in the defense of their homes, their villages, or their
country, seldom, as a matter of fact, “bear” them, even when they “keep” them.
The men and boys that habitually “bear” arms are, with few exceptions, men and
boys who should be “doing time” in public institutions. Certain sections of
the South, unfortunately, are exceptions, and with what tragic consequences
to themselves the world knows only too well.
Must we wait until again some exceptionally able,
devoted and useful public servant falls before the assassin’s shot, to bestir
ourselves to end a national folly which has become a national disgrace?