Archism Versus Anarchism
The words
and are seldom heard or seen in
English; “government” or “rulership” being used instead, but now
that Anarchism, Anarchy and Anarchist are so generally used and
so generally misrepresented it is well to look after the real meaning,
the origin and pedigree of these terrible words.
By reference to Donnegan’s Greek and
English Lexicon we find that they are derived from the Greek verb
, “to be first; to begin; to command;
to be a chief or ”—
“a leader; a chief.” A——is
defined as “the beginning; first cause; the act of leading—hence
magisterial rank.” To get the derivative word “Anarchy” from this
root word the prefix , meaning ,
or privative, is used.
If, then, the Greek words Anarchism
and Anarchist are proper to be used in English the parent words
Archy and Archism are equally proper, and in order that the two
opposing principles, leadership or rulership on the one hand, and
equality or freedom from rulers on the other, may be clearly set
forth and compared[,] I propose to use the words Archism and Archist,
as well as their derivatives Anarchism and Anarchist.
—.
From the origin of the words, then,
it is easily seen that to be an Archist is to believe in leadership,
rulership, or government of man by his fellowman, while to be an
Anarchist is to reject rulership or leadership, and leave every
man to be his own ruler, his own master, governor or king.
In the true and etymologic sense,
therefore, the Declaration of Independence is an Anarchistic document,
and the war of the American revolution was simply a rebellion of
Anarchism against Archism, or of Anarchists against Archists. The
principle that “all men are created equal,” with equal right to
“life liberty [sic], and pursuit of happiness,” means simply a denial
of the right of some men to rule other men. To say that the ruler
and the ruled are equal as to rights is a flat contradiction in
thought as well as in words. The right to life, liberty and pursuit
of happiness implies and includes the right of every man to be his
own ruler—“to do as he pleases so long as he does not invade the
equal right of others,” as Spencer puts it.
That this was the thought and the
aim of those who threw off the yoke of Britain is easily shown from
their writings, and that such was the general understanding of the
basic theory of our civil codes, our fundamental laws, is readily
inferred from such maxims as “government of the people, by the people
and for the people”—“the people are the real sovereigns,” etc.,
etc. This implies, if it means anything, that the people elect their
, their ,
to do their will, for to say that they elect their
when they themselves are the rulers, is to juggle with words and
to talk nonsense.
In fact, to the best of my knowledge
and belief the idea that we elect our rulers is one of comparatively
recent origin. Not till after the great civil war, not till after
we began to spell nation with a big N, not till the right of peaceful
separation had been drowned in fraternal blood, did we as a people
begin to talk of our rulers, after the fashion of the governments
of the old world.
From the foregoing definitions it
is seen that Anarchism is a negation, a denial—a denial of the right
of one man to rule another without that other’s consent. But every
negation contains an affirmation. The denial of the right to rule
others is equivalent to the affirmation of the right of every man
to rule himself, to own himself and to direct his own acts or efforts
so long as he grants to all others the same right.
To put it in other language: Anarchism
means non-invasion, while Archism means invasion, unless the subject
of rule consents to be ruled.
.
If these definitions be correct,
then Czolgosz at Buffalo was an Archist, not an Anarchist, as he
is said to have claimed to be. In trying to overthrow rulership
he invaded the right of the McKinley
to life, liberty and pursuit of happiness and he invaded also the
right of McKinley’s subjects, his voluntary subjects, to have him
for their ruler.
To kill a ruler is not to kill rulership,
as it has been proved times without number, but to strengthen it
many-fold by arousing sympathy for the invaded ruler and indignation
against his invader.
If Czolgosz had desired to help Anarchism
his act was illogical, ill-advised, foolish, ,
inasmuch as the legitimate and necessary result was just what we
see—a tremendous accession of power to Archism, to rulership and
rulers. If he was and is an Archist in disguise, or if he was hired
by Archists to kill McKinley, then his act was rational, it was
logical, just as some of the early Christians were rational and
logical in their course when they voluntarily sought martyrdom in
order to hasten the triumph of Christianity.
* * *
As a means to an end nothing has
ever equalled [sic] martyrdom of its apostles in order to secure
the triumph of an idea, a theory or doctrinal propaganda. It was
the martyrdom of Joseph and Hiram Smith, and the driving of their
followers into the wilderness, that gave to Mormonism the power
and numbers it has since attained. If some zealous anti-Dowieite
were to shoot the “Overseer of Zion” in his pulpit, nothing more
would be needed to make this newest religious sect one of the most
numerous and powerful in Christendom.
Just so with the doctrine of Archism—rulership
of man by man. The tiny pocket pistol in the hand of Czolgosz [316][317]
at Buffalo has done more to advance the cause of Archism, of mon-archism,
of imperialism, of centralized power, in this country than did all
the heavy and costly armaments of war against Spain and against
the “insurgent” Filipinos—just as the single pistol ball sent through
the brain of Abraham Lincoln by Wilkes Booth did more to make Nationalism
(with a big N) a success in the United States than did all the victories
of Grant and Sherman on their many fields of battle.
Like McKinley Lincoln was an Archist.
He believed in government of man by man. To save the Union, the
national government, he became an invader. He invaded the soil of
the Southern states; invaded the homes of the people; destroyed
their crops, their stores, their mills and left their women and
children to starve, besides killing thousands of their men in battle,
and when the Southern half of the United States was in a manner
laid waste and its regular armies all defeated or captured, then
by his own death, more than by any act of his life, was the work
of nationalization completed. “The blood of its martyrs is the seed
of the church,” is as true in the civil and political realm as in
the religious.
In thus saying I wish to cast no censure
upon the memory of Abraham Lincoln. If it be possible for a lawyer
and politician to be a —a true man,
an honest man, intellectually and morally so, I think Abraham Lincoln
was a man, honest and true. To condemn him for being an Archist
would be to condemn myself, for all through the years of blood and
terror known as the civil war I too was an Archist. Before Sumpter
[sic] fell I said, as did Horace Greeley, “Better peaceful separation
than a Union pinned together with bayonets—Erring Sisters, go in
peace!” But when the “flag” was fired upon I too lost my head. In
the name of “patriotism” I joined the Home Guards and later helped
to organize a regiment and when I could not go with it, on account
of physical disability, I went with the boys—my brothers and cousins,
as far as I could; then volunteered to go to the front as army nurse,
until I was turned back by the head of the Sanitary Commission at
St. Louis, because no civilians were then allowed to pass the picket
lines.
A Unionist in a slave state, an abolitionist
before the war, I did not believe the forcible liberation of the
slaves would be just to the masters or beneficial to the slaves
themselves, but having yielded to the “majority” I worked for many
years with the Republican party to help it make Archistic “reconstruction”
in the South a success, and therefore repeat that I have no words
of censure for Abraham Lincoln or for those who with him believed
that the Union, the Nation, was of more importance than the lives
and property of the citizens, whether “loyal” or “disloyal.”
Neither have I a word of censure for
William McKinley or for those who with him believe in the “manifest
destiny” of the Anglo-Saxon race to rule the West Indies and the
Philippines, and to establish an empire on the ruins of the American
republic. I simply claim my equal right, as a citizen of the world,
to express my honest thought on governmental as well as all other
questions, and since my personal observation and experience for
more than half a century convince me that it would be far better
for us as a people to return to the Anarchistic principles of the
Declaration of Independence of 1776, I am willing to “sink my present
repute for the freedom” to think, speak, write and publish that
thought, paraphrasing Lowell’s immortal utterance.
|