Publication information |
Source: Truth Seeker Source type: magazine Document type: editorial Document title: “Enemies of Liberty” Author(s): anonymous Date of publication: 12 October 1901 Volume number: 28 Issue number: 41 Pagination: 644-45 |
Citation |
“Enemies of Liberty.” Truth Seeker 12 Oct. 1901 v28n41: pp. 644-45. |
Transcription |
full text |
Keywords |
Kate Austin; anarchists (Caplinger Mills, MO); McKinley assassination (personal response: criticism); McKinley assassination (personal response); McKinley assassination (impact on society); anarchists (Chicago, IL); Emma Goldman; anarchism (laws against); Leon Czolgosz (execution: personal response); lawlessness (mob rule); Loran L. Lewis (public statements). |
Named persons |
Kate Austin [misspelled once below]; Leon Czolgosz; Emma Goldman; Loran L. Lewis; William McKinley; Johann Most. |
Notes |
Click here to
view the letter to the editor by Kate Austin that the editorial (below)
is written in response to.
Click here to
view the 21 September 1901 Truth Seeker editorial in which the
phrase “assassinated our liberties” (quoted below) appears.
In the original source, the editorial includes 41 misspelled words, all resulting from a replicated typographical error. This problem has been corrected below. |
Document |
Enemies of Liberty
In another place Mrs. Kate Austin of Caplinger
Mills, Missouri, expresses her dissent from The Truth Seeker’s position regarding
the deed of Czolgosz and the best way of dealing with the murderous school he
represents. Let us see how far she is justified in her strictures.
We condemn the act of President McKinley’s assassin
because it was murder and all that the word implies. It was a cowardly murder:
with a concealed weapon Czolgosz shot McKinley as the latter put forth his hand
in amity to grasp that of his assassin. Few men would shoot an enemy’s dog that
had bitten him, under such circumstances. It was a useless murder, for it raised
to the presidency a man who can be depended upon to carry out McKinley’s policy
in the direction most criticised by Americans, or to inaugurate one still less
likely to meet the approval of those who were dissatisfied before. Furthermore,
by attributing his deed to the influence of spoken and published opinions, Czolgosz
has precipitated an attack upon the freedom of press and of speech, and we shall
be extremely fortunate if during the next decade we enjoy that liberty of utterance
which has prevailed during the last one.
Since experience shows that the election of a
citizen to the presidency exposes him as a target for assassins, it might be
no more than fair to afford him extra protection, as we do, for example, the
carriers of United States mails. The particular law protecting the person of
the chief executive might not prove to be the one that should work “injustice
to innocent people,” but the act of violence giving rise to it would be made
[644][645] the excuse for both. That is what we
mean when we say that Czolgosz, in assassinating our President, has “assassinated
our liberties,” for that is what happens when the innocent suffer with the guilty.
It is all very well to say that “no man can kill liberty,” but we should suppose
that the Isaak family and Emma Goldman, in jail for the crime of another, would
be of a different mind. They might be justified in thinking that if Czolgosz
had not assassinated their liberty for the time, he had come near striking it
a fatal blow.
There is a powerful agitation in favor of the
most stringent laws against the exponents of the doctrine of Anarchy; the agitators
being altogether blind, as we expect that the legislators will prove to be,
to the distinction, wide as the world, between philosophical or non-resistant
Anarchy and the school that teaches “propaganda by deed.” Already the bumptious
Herr Most and the innocuous Home colonists of the state of Washington have been
in the toils. A comprehensive law might also gather in such merely literary
Anarchists as Mrs. Austin. If such a condition of affairs, the direct outcome
of the act of President McKinley’s assailant, does not constitute an assassination
of liberty, it comes near enough to it to justify the use of the phrase on an
occasion when emphatic language was desired.
In asserting that we know her imprisoned
comrades (meaning the publishers of Free Society and Emma Goldman) to be innocent
of complicity, Mrs. Anstin ascribes to us knowledge we do not possess. We believe,
however, that as rational beings they have too much sense to think there is
anything to be gained for their cause by assassination, and have no doubt that
when all the facts are known their arrest will pass as an outrage. The police
authorities are not immune from panic, and such things are bound to occur so
long as Brescis and Czolgoszes assassinate kings and presidents.
The argument that the judge upon the bench who
condemns to death a man who has never injured him is as guilty as Czolgosz does
not excuse the latter. The line of reasoning pursued by Mrs. Austin may lead
her to that conclusion; but what then? Our judges, if guilty, will never be
reformed by such examples as Czolgosz has set them.
We remain of the opinion that if capital punishment
is ever justifiable, it is so in the case of President McKinley’s assassin.
It was a premeditated crime, by the perpetration of which the criminal knowingly
incurred the death penalty. It was not done in the heat of passion or in self-defense.
The Truth Seeker does not, in revenge, demand an eye for an eye, but having
due appreciation of the sanctity of human life, it bows to the necessity of
adopting measures calculated to insure its safety. Mrs. Austin does not read
this paper if she really thinks it dares not to condemn the spirit of mob violence
fostered by press and pulpit. We say, as Judge Lewis of Buffalo said in what
was technically called his defense of the prisoner, these exponents of lynch
law “are a more dangerous class of the community than the Anarchists about whom
we read so much.”