Publication information |
Source: Collier’s Weekly Source type: magazine Document type: editorial Document title: “The Shooting of President McKinley” Author(s): anonymous Date of publication: 14 September 1901 Volume number: 27 Issue number: 24 Pagination: 5 |
Citation |
“The Shooting of President McKinley.” Collier’s Weekly 14 Sept. 1901 v27n24: p. 5. |
Transcription |
full text |
Keywords |
McKinley assassination; presidents (incapacity). |
Named persons |
Leon Czolgosz; John Hay; Ethan A. Hitchcock; John D. Long; Ida McKinley; William McKinley; John G. Milburn; Thomas Collier Platt; Theodore Roosevelt; Elihu Root; Charles Emory Smith. |
Document |
The Shooting of President McKinley
FOR THE THIRD TIME A PISTOL-SHOT HAS added a sad chapter to American history
and created consternation throughout the world. President McKinley was shot
down by an assassin while he stood in the Temple of Music at the Buffalo Exposition
on Friday afternoon, September 6, greeting his fellow citizens.
He had gone to Buffalo on Wednesday in the fullest
enjoyment of health and in good spirits. He had taken occasion to deliver what
will stand as a memorable utterance on the American policy. On Friday, the customary
reception was planned—one of those hand-shaking ordeals to which all Presidents
are condemned, although they invite and tempt the fury of unbalanced brains.
Mr. McKinley never shirked such a duty. He stood amiably receiving the people,
shaking hands with them or exchanging a few words of greeting until about four
o’clock in the afternoon. At that hour, a man in the line whose hand was seemingly
bandaged presented himself to Mr. McKinley. As he took the President’s hand
with his own left, he produced a revolver covered with the false bandage in
his right hand and, placing the pistol so near the President’s body that the
powder burned the cloth of the coat, he fired two shots. Mr. McKinley fell back
into the arms of one of the officers, and it was instantly apparent that he
was badly hurt. He bore his wounds like the old soldier that he is and not unused
to wounds. His first thought was of his wife. She is an invalid, and always
liable to serious illness from mental shock. He asked that the news be withheld
from her. Then he called upon the officers not to harm the writhing anarchist
who had committed the crime. Finally, as, weak and pain-racked, he was carried
from the Temple of Music to the hospital, the thoughtful, kindly gentleman expressed
sorrow that he had brought trouble on the Exposition.
The assassin was felled to the ground by men of
the Marine Guard and rather roughly handled. He would have been still more roughly
handled if the crowd in the Exposition grounds could have had its way. But the
police and soldiery kept their heads, and the cowardly criminal, trembling,
ashen and pleading for protection after the manner of the anarchist, was carried
in safety to a police station. At the moment of his arrest he is said to have
exclaimed: “I am an anarchist and I only did my duty.” He first gave the name
Frederick Nieman, and later, Leon Czolgosz. He is a Pole, aged twenty-eight,
a workingman of average education, a member of the Free Society of Anarchists
in Chicago, who came directly from his home in Cleveland to accomplish the murder
of the Chief Executive. For weeks he had been planning to take the President’s
life. On this particular Friday, while a hundred thousand persons swarmed over
the Fair grounds in honor of “McKinley Day,” he had nerved himself for the deed.
One bullet struck the President on the upper portion
of the breast bone, glancing and not penetrating; the second bullet penetrated
the abdomen five inches below the left nipple and one and a half inches to the
left of the median line. The first was extracted, but the other, even after
hours of probing, was not found. It was this dangerous wound, hiding the lead,
that from the first caused the greatest apprehension to the five physicians
and surgeons who were in attendance almost immediately after the event. The
sufferer was carried first to the Emergency Hospital on the Exposition grounds,
where the second and most serious operation was performed, in the fruitless
search for the assassin’s ball; the work of the surgeons being described in
a bulletin issued to the public:
“The abdomen was opened through the line of the
bullet wound. It was found that the bullet had penetrated the stomach. The opening
in the front wall of the stomach was carefully closed with six sutures, after
which a search was made for a hole in the back wall of the stomach. This was
found and also closed in the same way. The further course of the bullet could
not be discovered, although careful search was made. The abdominal wound was
closed without drainage. No injury to the intestines or other abdominal organ
was discovered.”
Later, the sufferer was conveyed in an automobile
ambulance, through cleared streets, past a multitude of sympathetic men and
weeping women, to the residence of Mr. John G. Milburn, President of the Exposition,
where Mrs. McKinley was awaiting her husband, unaware of the terrible ordeal
which was before her. With Mr. McKinley and a hundred guests, she had been spending
the day at Niagara Falls, and returned physically exhausted. Because of fear
of the effect the news might have upon her, it was withheld as long as possible.
When finally told, she was calm.
The country bore the shock with what seemed a
reflection of the manly fortitude displayed by Mr. McKinley himself in the presence
of death. There was little excitement, except in Buffalo. The report was received
at first with incredulity. No one could believe it. Mr. McKinley might have
enemies of his politics; that he should have enemies of his person seemed quite
unbelievable. What brain so muddled, what heart so malign, as to cherish deadly
hatred against a man whose generosity and tenderness are admitted even by his
most zealous opponents? But it was not many minutes before the public was forced,
against its will and hope, to accept the first news as true. The shock was keen.
Probably a good many men echoed Senator Platt’s wish, that the assassin had
met summary vengeance at the hands of the mob.
Vice-President Roosevelt, who was in Vermont,
started for Buffalo on receipt of the news, as did also nearly every member
of the Cabinet. In Washington the report caused a profound sensation. Rumors
of attacks upon the President had been so frequent that the story was not as
first given credence. Many times the President’s friends had warned him to guard
against fanatics. For his country’s sake, if not for his own, he was urged to
have a bodyguard whenever he appeared in public. But Mr. McKinley insisted that
the American people were too intelligent, too loyal, to harm their Chief Executive.
Nevertheless, unknown to him, he was surrounded and accompanied everywhere by
Secret Service men. Since last October, more than a score of anonymous letters
have been received at the White House, warning Mr. McKinley of a plot to take
his life. At the very moment of the murderous attempt, two Secret Service detectives
were standing beside the victim.
Within an hour after the shooting, steps were
taken to provide for the future of the executive branch of the government. From
many parts of the country, the Cabinet ministers started for Buffalo—Secretary
Hay from Newbury, New Hampshire; Secretary Long from Buckfield, Maine; Postmaster-General
Smith from Philadelphia; Secretary Hitchcock from Dublin, New Hampshire; Secretary
Root from Southampton, Long Island; and the others from Washington. As soon
as all the Cabinet members reached Buffalo a council was held to decide upon
the course to be pursued by the executive branch. Vice-President Roosevelt held
himself in readiness to take the place of the Chief Executive; for it was realized
that, even under conditions the most favorable, the President’s injuries would
make it impossible for him to discharge the duties of his office for months
to come, even in a formal way. The obligations imposed upon the Vice-President
in a crisis like the one that now confronts the government are outlined in the
Constitution thus:
“In case of the removal of the President from
office, or of his death, resignation or inability to discharge the powers and
duties of the said office, the same shall devolve on the Vice-President.”
Under this clause, as soon as Mr. Roosevelt is
called by the senior Cabinet officer, Secretary Hay, to assume the responsibilities
of his office, he will become, temporarily, the Chief Executive on the inability
clause.