“There was no benefit conceivable to be gained by his cruel taking off; nothing but evil—evil, deep-dyed evil—in the act. . . . Only the counsels of insensate anarchy, the whisperings of a demon viler than Satan, could have inspired such a deed. . . .”

“Could the assailant have realized how awful the act he was about to perform, how utterly heartless the deed, methinks he would have stayed his hand at the very threshold of it. In all the coming years men will seek in vain to fathom the enormity of that crime.”

“That his life should be sacrificed at such a time, just when there was an abundant peace, when all the Americans were rejoicing together, is one of the inscrutable mysteries of Providence.”

Let us compare crime with crime, and we shall see in this the worst of all we have ever known, the worst, the most outrageous ever committed in this land.”

“Never before was a death so causeless, a chief so beloved so pitilessly laid low, and never was humanity startled from universal peace with a grief so sad.”

“The awful feature of this calamity is undisguised in the fact that it is a stroke against the enterprise of government, which is the noblest enterprise undertaken by man. It was a dagger thrust at the heart of civilization.”

“If we wish to prevent a renewal of the calamity which we mourn to-day it is only through stronger faith in God. That is the bulwark of society and of this nation.”

“How frail beyond measurement are the plans of nations! The greatest of free nations had chosen William McKinley to be its leader; and the meanest, the most obscure, of its teeming millions—a wretched, blind failure in life, a human derelict drifting miserably in a land abounding in freedom and prosperity—had power enough to turn a national triumph into ashes—not in hatred, not in the service of some great cause, but even as a wanton urchin might set fire to some priceless library.”

“The murder was planned with all the diabolical ingenuity of which anarchy and nihilism are capable, and the assassin carried out his plan as perfectly as did his prototype, Judas.”

“In witnessing the slaying of our Chief Magistrate by an anarchist, we are sharing in the evil inheritance of Old World tyranny and absolutism, without being able to utilize those defensive measures which absolutism makes possible.”

“It is the most horrible crime imaginable.”

“I warned him [McKinley] against this very thing time and time again, and asked him for the country’s sake, if not for his own, to have a body guard when he went out. He refused. He laughed at me. He insisted that the American people were too intelligent and too loyal to their country to do any harm to their chief executive. He had supreme confidence in the people.”

“. . . [McKinley] has had the constant fierce and unjust criticism of the ‘anti-imperialist’ and ‘independent’ press, and those attacks are responsible for the assassin’s bullets.”

“If men will ignore fundamental principles of morality and good order, such things must be the consequence.”

“I do not believe any anarchist will applaud this deed.”

“The bullets that hit the president hit every good heart at home and abroad.”

“It is appalling. Words cannot express the horror, the pity, the wickedness of it. It is an overwhelming sorrow. May God preserve this precious life.”

“Great gloom prevails in Buffalo.”

“Our hearts are borne with sorrow and our souls filled with indignation and shame to think that in this great and free country a miscreant could be found so cowardly, base, and craven as to attempt so foul a deed. No words of reprobation can be too severe or unmeasured to brand such an infamy. . . .”

“The President’s death at this time would be a calamity from which countless prayers will today arise that the country may be saved.”

“It could have been the deed only of a lunatic.”

“What has disturbed me has been to find a reason for even Anarchists to attack a man like President McKinley. Here is the one country where they are allowed perfect freedom of speech. Here the ruler is a man, descended from farmer stock, self-made. Here is a man who has no fortune or no means other than that which he may manage to save out of his salary as President. Probably many a workingman in the United States to-day has as large an amount of real estate as Mr. McKinley.
     In addition, he is a kindly disposed Christian gentleman, and in every great emergency in which he could act he has been a friend of the common people. Why should he be shot at, then, even by Anarchists?”

“It was horrible, horrible.”

“The blow fell like a devastating bolt of lightning leaping from a cloudless sky. Seventy millions of people were smitten dumb with amazement that such a thing could be possible . . . .”

“Every true American felt that a brother had been struck down.”

“It’s the very best day’s work I ever did. If I had not grabbed that crazy loon he would have shot again. I got a strangle-hold on his neck that I learned down South. Just think, old Father Abe freed me, and now I saved his successor from death provided that bullet that he got into the President don’t kill him.”

“If the liberty and equality and fraternity which we profess, not because we are republicans or democrats, but because we are disciples and brothers of the Christ, were a reality in our national life, such crimes as this would not be committed.”

“No ruler could have seemed safer against the feathered shaft or the leaden shot of malice.”

“. . . we have seen, in papers which this week are full of his praise and of denunciations of the assassin, day after day, pictures which represent him as an insignificant, monkey-like dwarf, submissively led by an obese, dollar-marked figure representing the trusts or Senator Hanna. We have all seen those pictures and have read the editorials that match them. But they are all of the same criminal character as the speeches of Emma Goldman. To them we must look for the accursed inspiration that struck down the President.”

“The ruler, not the individual, was shot at, and vigilance alone, not reason, can avail against minds which learn nothing by seeing the succession of rulers keep even pace with the file of assassins.”

“It is always difficult to understand what an assassin expects to accomplish by murdering the head of a nation, but in the case of the murder of an elected president of a happy and prosperous country, the asylum for the oppressed of every land—a president whose life had almost precluded the possibility of his having enemies, personal or political—reason is absolutely lacking.”

“Had the mob seized the prisoner [Czolgosz], and, carrying him to the nearby Court of the Fountains, ripped up the park benches for kindling wood, and burnt him alive, the action would have been comprehensible, but it would have covered the American people with an indelible disgrace. It would have been a blow to civilization, felt throughout the world.”

“It is shocking to know that the First Citizen of a free country is no more exempt from the bullets of the seditious than are the monarchs of lands where the commonalty has no protection against the will of despotism.”

“These violent crimes are the curse of our days.”

“Surely there was no occasion, no reason for that dreadful deed, and whether the work of a sane man or a lunatic, there can be no justification for it.”

“We are not in the least surprised at this occurrence, because we anarchists maintain that the individual which stands highest in the social scale and impersonates the political and economical oppression under which the people are suffering so horribly is naturally most exposed to attacks by the oppressed and disinherited, who suffer under their emancipated thoughts and from an empty stomach.”

“. . . the loss of the President in the circumstances has filled Buffalo with a sense of special sorrow that can be estimated only by mingling with the people and listening to their laments.”

“I feel very bad for the sake of Mrs. McKinley, outside of that I have no sympathy.”

“There is no excuse for a condition where the many eke out a bare subsistence and the few pile up millions and billions of wealth that they cannot use, and so long as this state of affairs exists, so long as the capitalistic profit system of production exists, it need not be surprising that half crazed cranks spring forth here and there and blindly attempt to wreak vengence [sic] on those whom they believe to be responsible for present unjust conditions.”

“The President in office is invested directly with the majesty and prerogative of the people. An attack upon him, beyond the legitimate lines of criticism of policies, is an attack upon the people.”

“As Mr. McKinley remarked in his speech, ‘The same important news is read, though in different languages, the same day in all Christendom,’ but he little thought that the attempt on his life would be the next great event to which this would literally and exactly apply.”

“The whole world joins with a sorrowing nation over the sad result of this shocking crime.”

“That the members of the surgical branch of the profession, whose judgment is at all worth having, have looked with the fullest approval on the course pursued by those who are in immediate attendance upon the President, goes without saying.”

“The careless use of the English language, depriving its most solemn words of their true solemnity, makes it impossible to find language in which to express the commingled sentiments of horror and apprehension awakened in the hearts of the American people by the attempted assassination of President McKinley.”

“An offense of this kind is an offense against the whole people, and it would be most consonant with the dignity of the Nation that trial and punishment should be had before a Federal court, rather than be left to possible prejudice and conceivable stupidity of a local court in perhaps some outlying and not fully settled part of the land.”

“It is difficult to comprehend how it is possible for crime of this character to be perpetrated, or even contemplated, in a country in which the institutions are free and the independence of the individual is paramount. The only explanation of such an act seems to be that there is disease prevalent in the land; that such an act can only be conceived by a disordered brain.”

“The deep sympathy for Mr. McKinley, and of indignation at the crime, which has been expressed throughout the British Islands, has been remarkable for its absolute spontaneousness and sincerity.”

“The truth, the melancholy truth, in that very little more can be done to prevent assassination than is done already. Society has developed a class whose homicidal malignity is mainly directed against Kings and Presidents, and those great personages must accept the danger . . . as one incidental to their profession.”

“Some excuse may be found in hatred or partisan excitement for the assassinations of Lincoln and Garfield; but no such excuse exists for this foul deed.”

“The event is clearly a chastisement from God upon this nation.”

“Great as is the nation’s loss, mighty and deep as is the sorrow of this people, how small and poor do they seem when we think of Mrs. McKinley in this, her hour of incomprehensible grief.”

“. . . a calamity that carried the weight of its woe to every home in the land.”

“The death of the President gives us the profoundest assurance of the unity of our people, and tells the alarmist and pessimistic onlookers of the nations that none is more stable than ours.”

Weep, oh, Columbia! Be thou bowed down
     With grief; and more, grief mixt with bitter shame!
Unequal laws have snatched stars from thy crown,
     And unchecked license stained thy glorious name:
For, born to brood the brotherhood of man,
     Thou’st nourished in thy bosom class and caste;
And in thine arms, where freemen’s rule began,
     Thou’st nursed the fiend to deal it death at last.

“Society has not been terrorized by the awful calamity of the past weeks, because deep down in its heart it feels the power of God, and recognizes as it looks upon its brave young President, that it is this which he represents, as it was this for which his predecessor died.”

Bow down unto the dust your lofty head:
     Strip you of all your rich and proud attire;
In sackcloth and in ashes humbly tread:
With shame and sorrow let your prayers be said,
     In this the hour of grief, and peril dire

“Humiliating the thought that an obscure, contemptible specimen of humanity may suddenly end the life of a most noble and pure-minded president, thereby robbing a great nation of its honored head.”

“. . . assassination is a crazy expedient, and the man who plans it is neither actuated nor deterred by reason.”

“The ocean is not wide enough to hold all the sympathy that streams from the old world to the new.”

“The assassination of another President of the United States, sad and sorrowful though it is, will not have been an unmixed evil if the eyes of our citizens are opened to see that the relation is of cause and effect between irreligion and anarchy, relaxed laws and increased criminality, a debased press and a depraved generation.”

“. . . heaven knows how sedulously the yellow press for years past has been preaching discontent, hatred of wealth, dislike of work, enmity toward corporations, and particular distrust of Mr. McKinley as an alleged “tool of the trusts.” It has been sickening the past week to see how the same papers, realizing at last how utterly out of touch they are with real American sentiment, have turned around and tried to square themselves by representing the martyred President as little short of an archangel.”

“A great man had passed away; the greater nation endured; and with it the prosperity his wisdom had done so much to promote.”

“It is clear that no human skill could have saved the President’s life and that everything that modern scientific medicine could possibly suggest was done for him.”

“The horror of it is so great, the method of it so dastardly, the aim of it so foreign to our history, our traditions, and our principles, that the crime and its consequences seem alike incredible.”

“Death by assassination is always terrible, and the country is to-day staggering under the severe shock.”

“The triumph of wickedness fills us with sorrow.”

“In sober earnest, it seems that the most effective deterrent from political assassination would be oblivion. Let the assassin taken red-handed not be permitted to issue any declaration to the public; let him be tried in secret, punished, if condemned, in secret, only let the sentence be made known.”

“Not all the love and loyalty of seventy millions of people, not all the respect and esteem of the civilised world, has availed to shield an honoured life from the malignity of criminals who saw in him an impersonation of the social order they detest.”

Dark grow the skies, the sounds of joy are hushed.
     Reason can scarce attest the sudden change;
When did the flower of hope, so fully flushed,
     So swiftly fail, with portent sad and strange?

“Mrs. McKinley’s grief is intense.”

“If any person except the man who fired the shot is responsible for the death of President McKinley, it is Chief Bull, of Buffalo. He was there to protect the president and he did not do it. Now he raises the cry of plot. There was no plot.”

“In the death of the President the people of the United States have not only lost a statesman but a Christian gentleman. His record stands out bright, clear, and honorable. I consider that Mr. McKinley during his term as President has done more for the masses than any ruler of this generation. Although the nation has lost him, from what I know of Americans, it will never cease to honor and revere his name.”

“. . . I am convinced, if I never was before, that there is such a thing as a national heart and that that great national heart has been weeping as it never wept before, that great heart is broken and it will take God’s own time and God’s own way to heal it, such a great calamity has been brought about.”

“It was an assault upon the dignity and the majesty of the law.”

“In all sincerity, I want to ask, is Czolgosz alone guilty? Has not the entire nation had a part in this greatest crime of the century? What is anarchy but a defiance of law and has not the nation reaped what it has been sowing? According to records 2,516 persons have been lynched in the United States during the past sixteen years, and every state in the union, except five, has had its lynching. A conservative estimate would place the number of persons engaged in these lynchings at about fifty per individual lynched, so that there are or have been engaged in this anarchy of lynching nearly 125,800 persons, to say nothing of the many organized bands of technically organized anarchists. Those composing these mobs have helped create a disregard for law and authority that, in my mind, has helped to lay the foundation for the great disgrace and disaster that has overtaken the country.”

“. . . no one could have dreamed that a man so lovable as William McKinley would have become an assassin’s victim.”

“Ah, brethren, we have had a hard blow. It has brought us all grief. It has brought tears to thousands; distress and lamentation to millions; anxiety and fear to very many.”

“The business world and the thinking world are alike convinced that, although all hearts are wounded, no wound has befallen the republic.”

“Whatever other results may flow from the assassination of President McKinley, let us hope that that object-lesson may be sufficient to put an end to our national habit of promiscuous handshaking in public.”

“It was a blow directed, not against Mr. McKinley, but against the President of the United States; it was prompted not by anger or spite against the man, but a deep seated prejudice against the office and the authority it represented. It was executed, not out of hope of any mere personal advantage, but under a settled conviction that the success of certain principles of government, called ‘anarchy,’ were necessary to release the world from an imagined tyranny, and that the death of those high in authority were the legitimate and nearest means of its attainment.”

“I am especially sorry for Mrs. McKinley.”

“If the result of this national affliction shall be to further soften political animosities and make an end of personal detraction and abuse, it will be only another illustration of the great truth that the “wrath of man” may sometimes be made to serve the noblest and divinest ends.”

“But, inexpressibly sad as is the death of McKinley the illustrious citizen, it is the damnable murder of McKinley the President that melts seventy-five million hearts into one, and brings a hush to the farm, the factory, and the forum.”

“Christ said to Judas, ‘Friend, betrayest thou the Son of man with a kiss?’ The President could have said to his slayer, ‘Betrayest thou the head of the Nation with the grasp of the hand?’”

“The cause which seems to us in the main most rationally to account for this shocking crime, as it accounts for similar deeds which have occurred in other countries, is the prevailing spirit of brutalism and violence on the part of the nations. When this spirit is awakened and cherished by the governments on a comprehensive scale, as has been the case in recent years, it is sure to manifest itself in the most unexpected places and ways, especially on persons whose natures are coarse, brutal and undisciplined. If the nations fill their belts with revolvers, their hip pockets with Krupp guns, and their pouches with dynamite; if they pitilessly crush out human lives by the thousands, and trample down whole peoples, in order to accomplish their purposes,—why should it be thought strange that to individuals of the type of which we are speaking, affected as they must be by the prevailing spirit, the taking of any life should seem entirely justifiable for the accomplishment of a definite end?”

“. . . is it not worth while to ponder, notwithstanding its tainted source, the utterance of the wife of a notorious Chicago anarchist who paid the penalty of his crime with his life fifteen years ago? This woman, herself an anarchist, is reported to have pronounced the action of Czolgosz as ‘the deed only of a lunatic,’ because in her opinion no person of sound intellect would assail the head of the government in a republic where the chief executive is chosen by popular vote and holds his office for only a limited time.”

“Their assassination of the President of the United States has had no more effect upon the firmness of our institutions than a puff of dust from the desert might have upon the Great Pyramid.”

“Assassination cannot reach or affect the Constitution of the United States.”

“The death of McKinley, lamented and grievous, falling a victim as he has to the organized spirit of lawlessness, if organism can be predicated of anarchy, may have its uses in arousing the feelings of our citizens in favor of respect for law and order, which of late years has tended to become too dormant.”

“Every crowd like that which surrounded the President at Buffalo contains just such hair brained monomaniacs who would feel it to be their ‘duty’ to ‘remove the President.’ There is no objection to any amount of law for such monsters, but that would not protect their victims. The more law the more glory to the perpetrator who defies it.”

“President McKinley died not because he represented bad government, nor even because he represented government at all. He died because he seemed a conspicuous citizen to the weak-brained, uncontrolled scoundrel who slew him.”

“This dreadful calamity looks very much like a visitation upon us of the wrath of the Most High. The nation must realize that it is alone with an angry God. We must get back to the foundations, back to the guiding principles of our forefathers, to find out wherein we have offended Him. God expects much from us. He probably expects more than from any other nation on the globe.”

“It is not regicide, for we have no king. It is as yet a nameless crime, a degree baser than regicide, for our Chief Magistrate is of the people, and ruled, not by divine right but by the will of the people; a shade darker than parricide on account of the eminent place held by the victim. It is treason doubly dyed, and it is more.”

Brothers, the blow has fallen, smiting not one, but all;—
Over the world of nations Liberty’s blood-drops fall.
Rally, then, all ye peoples,—one in the common cause,—
Order against sedition,—Order, the first of laws!

“Killing a president does not kill the presidency; this institution of government goes right on. Three times in less than forty years has the ghastly futility of assassination been proven in this republic.”

“God reigns and government by the people still lives.”

“Not since the betrayal of the Son of God by the hypocritical kiss of Judas Iscariot has evil been set in sharper contrast with good than in the foul assassination of President McKinley.”

“The attack of the monster who shot President McKinley was as sudden, as desperate, and as unprovoked as might be that of a wild beast in the African jungle.”

“There have been other equally exciting assassinations, it is true; but, although this is the second time that the people of the whole United States have waited far into the night for the tolling of bells, and the third time that a funeral train has impressively borne from Washington to the West a murdered President, this is only the first time that the murder has been done in the midst of the peculiarly democratic ceremonial wherein the Chief Magistrate by taking the hand of any comer illustrates the equality of all men before the American law, and the first time that the assassin has been a mere enemy of government.”

“The cathedral chimes of England, echoing across the sea, bring England’s lament for America’s sorrow.”

“The death of a President of the United States at a time of unparalleled material prosperity, has caused men whose minds were being engrossed in the pursuit of wealth to pause in admiration of the noble qualities manifested in the life of an ideal American.”

“. . . when the historian of the future shall look back upon the present age to chronicle the event we are now describing, he will see it as the result of the most gigantic conspiracy the world has ever known; a conspiracy so tremendous as to take a generation for its preparation and include a nation among its conspirators; a conspiracy, the chief actors of which moved with that marvelous accuracy which the mind only attains when working unconscious of the dictates of reason. When in the perspective of time the events of today shall be seen in their proper relations, some future writer will draw up an indictment, ‘In re the Murder of William McKinley. The People of the United States vs. Czolgosz et al.’”

“Most prominent among those who make up this body of responsible conspirators must be put the great financial interests that control the destinies of the republican party. They it is who have resisted every attempt at change in social conditions and who see in this assassination but one more weapon ready to their hand with which to drive back all enemies of exploitation and oppression. They it is who for their own profit insist upon holding down the safety valve upon a social boiler long past the bursting point.”

“Murder as the product of covetousness and accompanied by robbery we know; murder as an act of malignancy inspired by personal revenge we know; murder by a fanatic rendered desperate by a despotism from which he foolishly expects relief by the assassination of the despot we know; but the assassination of President McKinley falls into none of these categories. So far as we can judge, this murder is the act of a man chiefly inspired by that most inexplicable and most despicable of ambitions, the desire for notoriety; the most despicable, and yet, in a democratic community, with its characteristic passion for publicity, liable to become more common in the future than in the past.”

“. . . the death of President McKinley brings home to every American the common sympathy and the common sentiments of our country. At the grave of our President every true citizen of every State in this Union bows his head in humble submission and with a spirit of brotherhood one to the other.”

“Still let us not despair of the republic. No government seems to be free from such assaults as those that thrice have given us such sorrow, and one of the most hopeful rays of light at this dark hour is the sane, composed attitude of a grief-stricken people. Surely it is the best plea for popular government.”

“Was ever a more contemptible, base, vituperable deed recorded in the history of the world?”

“Even if assassination could change the government of a monarchy, it could have no effect on the government of a republic like ours—except to strengthen the patriotism of the people and to entrench our institutions deeper in their esteem.”

“Sin is the ultimate explanation of that awful tragedy at Buffalo. Sin is the consummate folly and the pursuing curse of history.”

“. . . no watchfulness can prevent the acts of single zealots like our last assassin; nor will the restriction of immigration succeed any better. Our three assassins of Presidents have all been natives of the country. We cannot reverse our time-honored and beneficial encouragement of immigration out of fear of anarchists. The air of freedom is its best panacea.”

“. . . Buffalo has stood up bravely under affliction. What could be done it did promptly and perfectly. It showed good feeling, good taste and good discipline, and seemed, like the rest of the country, to have no thought for the time being except for its wounded guest.”

“The murder of President McKinley, more than any event of recent times, seems to have brought home to non-Catholics the need of religious training in the schools.”

“In the history of the country there never has been a more dramatic sight than that glass car in the midst of the long funeral train which carried the dead head of the nation to his last rest.”

“. . . unhappily the tragedy at Buffalo has called forth from ministers and editors, and in a few instances from statesmen, a number of foolish, irrational, and essentially lawless expressions that must be deplored by all right-thinking individuals.”

“The bullet was the assassin’s, but the powder behind the bullet was exploded by the criminal suggestion of a woman [Emma Goldman] whose every word was calculated to do the utmost mischief. . . .”

“Never was a death more widely and sincerely lamented.”

“It would seem that the guards in attendance upon the President that fateful day should have halted Czolgosz the very minute they noticed him in the line with a covered hand, especially a covered right hand. If the hand was really an injured one, no great commotion need have resulted from the act of halting him, but had a concealed weapon been disclosed, as it doubtless would have been at Buffalo, the disturbance arising from the assassin’s being discovered would probably have saved the President’s life. One minute’s inspection would have revealed the assassin’s intent and at least an effort would have been made to make him harmless.”

“Time was when many would have felt the assassination to be in some measure atoned by the death of the assassin. No one feels so today. His trial, conviction and all that have followed during the current month are disagreeable contingencies which do not in any degree solve the real problem, but in fact, make it harder to solve. In spite of current talk of changed legislation with regard to anarchy, more stringent laws as to immigration, treason, etc., deep, deep beneath all this chatter there is in the national heart a conviction that these man-made laws will avail little, that we must begin to understand and follow the Higher Law. There is a growing conviction that all this calamity is ‘God’s will’ and that any remedy which leaves out of the question the Higher Law or God, will be no remedy at all.”

“Whatever may be said of the case in the light of modern progress in medicine, the lamentable fact was that the doctors in attendance allowed the nation to believe for some days that he would recover. The result was that the shock of his final collapse and death was as great as the first news of the assassin’s dastardly crime.”

“Czolgosz killed Mr. McKinley, not because he was William McKinley, but because he was President of the United States; not because of his personality, but because he represented the idea of law and government.”

“Not the wildest stretch of imagination could conceive any betterment for the masses in Mr. McKinley’s taking off.”

“The horror inspired in the minds of the hundreds of thousands of people in Buffalo, as soon as the news of the bloody deed had swept through the city,—the intense rage of the thousands who were in sight or hearing of the pistol shots aimed at the distinguished guest of the occasion, might easily have found expression in the instant annihilation of the assassin by such a wave of righteous indignation as would have swept him from the face of the earth. Had this happened, how many are there who would not in their secret souls have exulted? The justice of it, though rude, would have seemed to most of us to be altogether fitting. But the President, pierced by the murderous bullet, and lying writhing with pain in the arms of his horror stricken friends, evidently seeing the mass of guards who had instantly seized and thrown themselves upon the cruel wretch, said: ‘Let no man hurt him.’ At once the reign of law prevailed,—righteous passion gave way, and the miserable life of the slayer was spared to be weighed in the scales that turn only in obedience to the time-honored rules of orderly legal procedure, which safeguard the trial of the guilty and the innocent with rigid impartiality.”

“The assassination of William McKinley was the ripened fruit of seed sown by lawless tongues in partisan invective which public opinion, regardless of party, should have sternly rebuked, and in Anarchistic counseling of crime which public law ought to have forbidden under severe penalty.”

“The nation mourns a trusted chief, and the American people one of the best and brightest examples of those virtues which constitute the truest glory of our social and national life.”

“The cruel shot rang with horror around the world.”

“Lapse of time and succession of events can never diminish the weight of the calamity that befell America in the murder of this noble man.”

“This terrible series of assassinations—which began with Ravaillac and Jacques Clément and ends with Lucchini and Czolgotz [sic], the assassin of McKinley, shows that society has no protection against a fool, a madman, or a fanatic.”

“The murder had no political significance, though certainly a tragic rebuke to virulent editorials and cartoons in papers wont to season political debate with too hot personal condiment.”

“What a world of insoluble problems such an event excites in the mind! Not merely in its personal, but in its public aspects, it presents a paradox not to be comprehended. Under a system of government so free and so impartial that we recognize its existence only by its benefactions; under a social order so purely democratic that classes can not exist in it, affording opportunities so universal that even conditions are as changing as the winds, where the laborer of to-day is the capitalist of tomorrow; under laws which are the result of ages of evolution, so uniform and so beneficent that the President has just the same rights and privileges as the artisan; we see the same hellish growth of hatred and murder which dogs equally the footsteps of benevolent monarchs and blood-stained despots. How many countries can join with us in the community of a kindred sorrow!”

     “The family fosters obedience; our schools inculcate patriotism; the church stultifies mental growth; our courts are designed to uphold the precious lie of equality before the law; furthermore, the majority are being weakened and unnerved in factories and mines—is all this insufficient to perpetuate the power of capital?
     Is it possible that the act of a solitary being could tear off the mask of the face of authority, religion and capital and expose their real nature?”

“The act of Czolgosz was the explosion of inner rebellion; it was directed against the savage authority of the money power, and against the government that aids its mammonistic crimes.”

“With profound sorrow in this the first hour of our affliction, we may fail to discern the purposes of an all-wise Providence; but with heavy hearts and heads bowed low in grief we say, with our lamented President, ‘His will be done—not ours.’”

“September fourteenth, 1901, will be forever memorable as the date and day of the death of one of America’s greatest statesmen, citizens and patriots.”

“To-day the deluded still cry: ‘The King is dead! Curses upon his murderer!’ But greater and more lasting than Cæsar’s fame is the beloved memory of Brutus.”

“Never did evil commit a more dastardly deed.”